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Published online: November 2019 ; Global policy making is taking shape in a wide range of public sector activities managed by transnational policy communities. Public policy scholars have long recognised the impact of globalisation on the industrialised knowledge economies of OECD states, as well as on social and economic policy challenges faced by developing and transition states. But the focus has been on domestic politics and policy. Today, policy studies literature is building new concepts of 'transnational public-private partnership', 'trans-governmentalism' and 'science diplomacy' to account for rapid growth of global policy networks and informal international organisations delivering public goods and services. This Element goes beyond traditional texts which focus on public policy as an activity of states to outline how global policy making has driven many global and regional transformations over the past quarter-century. ; -- 1 Public policy for global problems -- 2 Creating global policy : public and private constructions -- 3 Transnational networks : policy in partnership -- 4 Global policy persuasion : from evidence-based policy to science diplomacy -- 5 Navigating global policy processes

The global imbalances of the 2000s and the recent global financial crisis are intimately connected. Both originate in the combination of economic policies adopted by the two key economies, the US and China. Global financial markets served as a transmission belt, both during the boom as during the bust. In the US, the interaction among the Fed's monetary stance, global real interest rates, distorted incentives in credit markets, and financial innovation created the mix of conditions which first drove growth, but then made the US the epicenter of the global financial crisis. Exchange rate and other economic policies followed by emerging markets such as China and the oil-exporting countries contributed to the US ability to borrow cheaply abroad and thereby finance its unsustainable housing bubble during the upswing. But we find that the key drivers of asset prices are global liquidity conditions. Central banks flooded the markets with ample liquidity. Mopping up this excess liquidity will be one major task for central banks worldwide, which needs to be done in a coordinated fashion. Moreover, our analysis has shown that liquidity will first show up in asset price inflation and only later in consumer goods inflation. This renders it difficult for central bank to exit from their current very expansive monetary policy stance if they continue to focus only on price stability.

At a time when changing world orders, new actors, and new technologies transform global policy regimes, this DIIS Working Paper argues that a methodology for studying such regimes ethnographically seem to be emerging across various disciplines. The purpose of the paper is twofold: firstly, we seek to contribute to the dialogue on ethnographic and practice-oriented approaches that is growing across disciplines, from anthropology to political science and International Relations, and provide some common ground for this dialogue. Secondly, by reviewing an extensive literature, we focus on methodological discussions concerning how to approach the highly complex global policy processes that are currently developing. What are the appropriate empirical scale(s) and units of analysis of a global political ethnography? How do we identify sites, encounters, situations and materials where ethnographic approaches can generate different and maybe more critical insights than more conventional approaches? And how are the voices and practices of actors operating at different scales and in different sites balanced and connected in the policy analysis?

First published online: 3 October 2021 ; As the state has become more susceptible to global pathologies, public policy scholars have found increasingly common ground with their IPE cousins. The development of these relatively young fields of study – increasingly they are sub-disciplines – has been commensurate but rarely intersecting. Yet contemporary maelstroms of global politics, economics, health, and security, span borders with ease, and increasingly force us to recognise, reconsider, and reconceptualise the overlapping realms of the national and international. In so doing, we must overcome the disciplinary distinctions. In this article, we traverse the prominent in-built disciplinary imperatives and methodologies that have kept these two disciplines from concerted inter-operability or, at least, interchange of theories and concepts. To do so, we begin by presenting a brief overview of the conceptual pedigrees and trajectories of these disciplines, before drawing attention to the prominent prevailing overlaps, 'trespasses' and tensions as they specifically relate to policy convergence and diffusion, and policy transfer. We proceed to specify a reconciliation of these tensions through, in the third section, a brief study of the growth of global administrations, administrators, and administrative spaces. This, we contend, stands as a paradigm case of how reconciled IPE/public policy concepts can produce enhanced theoretical and substantive insights into the transnationalising political world.

A distinctive feature of the contemporary period of globalization is a powerful trend towards marketization in many regions of the world. The term "marketization" refers both to market ideologies and market-oriented reforms. A market ideology reflects the belief that markets are of superior efficiency for the allocation of goods and resources. In its most extreme form, this belief is associated with the commodification of nearly all spheres of human life. Market-oriented reforms are those policies fostering the emergence and development of markets and weakening, in parallel, alternative institutional arrangements. During the last decades of the twentieth century, the dominant market-oriented reform mix has included macroeconomic stabilization, privatization, deregulation, liberalization of foreign trade and liberalization of international capital flows (Simmons et al. 2003).Since the early 1980s, market ideology and market-oriented policies have spread fast and wide around the globe. Markets, the argument goes, are better at allocating resources and producing wealth than bureaucracies, cartels or governments. Furthermore, the global diffusion of marketization has had an impact well beyond the traditional boundaries of the economy. Marketization implies a redefinition of economic rules of the game but also a transformed perspective on states, regulation and their role. Marketization is questioning all forms of protective boundaries and barriers and having an impact, as a consequence, on social and also cultural and legal policies (Collectif Dalloz 2004; Thornton 2004). [First lines]

A distinctive feature of the contemporary period of globalization is a powerful trend towards marketization in many regions of the world. The term "marketization" refers both to market ideologies and market-oriented reforms. A market ideology reflects the belief that markets are of superior efficiency for the allocation of goods and resources. In its most extreme form, this belief is associated with the commodification of nearly all spheres of human life. Market-oriented reforms are those policies fostering the emergence and development of markets and weakening, in parallel, alternative institutional arrangements. During the last decades of the twentieth century, the dominant market-oriented reform mix has included macroeconomic stabilization, privatization, deregulation, liberalization of foreign trade and liberalization of international capital flows (Simmons et al. 2003).Since the early 1980s, market ideology and market-oriented policies have spread fast and wide around the globe. Markets, the argument goes, are better at allocating resources and producing wealth than bureaucracies, cartels or governments. Furthermore, the global diffusion of marketization has had an impact well beyond the traditional boundaries of the economy. Marketization implies a redefinition of economic rules of the game but also a transformed perspective on states, regulation and their role. Marketization is questioning all forms of protective boundaries and barriers and having an impact, as a consequence, on social and also cultural and legal policies (Collectif Dalloz 2004; Thornton 2004). [First lines]

This article develops a theoretical framework to analyze the rise and spread of global public policy. After an introduction to the background of sociological institutionalism, it first elaborates on the role and functions of international organizations, identifying instruments by which these can disseminate policies and influence domestic policy processes. Second, conditions of global agenda setting and policy diffusion are presented; building up a model of global policy development, a frame in which the worldwide spread of global public policy can be analyzed. Third, I present a case study of global policy development, namely the rise of lifelong learning as part of current education policy. In the concluding part I briefly summarize central findings and elaborate on the potential and the shortcoming of the idea. The article mainly has a conceptual aim, but strictly relies on empirical material. ; In diesem Arbeitspapier präsentiere ich einen theoretischen Rahmen zur Analyse politischer Internationalisierungsprozesse. Nach einer Einleitung in theoretische Annahmen des soziologischen Institutionalismus und der Idee einer Weltkultur werden zentrale Funktionen internationaler Organisationen dargestellt, mit denen politischen Ziele verbreiten und nationalstaatliche Politikprozesse beeinflussen. In einem weiteren Schritt werden Bedingungen globalen Agenda-Settings' und globaler Politikdiffusion präsentiert. Diese werden dann in einem Model eines globalen Politikzyklus zusammengeführt. Eine Anwendung erfolgt im Anschluss anhand des Beispiels von Lebenslanges Lernen', ein zentrales Ziel weltweiter bildungspolitischer Konzepte. In den Schlussbemerkungen fasse ich zentrale Ergebnisse zusammen und prüfe die Übertragbarkeit auf andere Fälle. Das Papier hat vorrangig ein theoretisches und konzeptionelles Ziel, basierend auf empirischen Ergebnissen

The pace of economic engagement between China and Africa has increased exponentially in recent years, fueled mostly by burgeoning trade and investment ties. This impressive transformation of Sino-African relations has been complimented significantly by China's "Going Global" policy, resulting in a huge number and diversity of Chinese multinational companies on the African continent. This proliferation of Chinese companies in Africa has generated new opportunities and prospects for all stakeholders, but has also engendered a host of challenges. This has no doubt had a significant impact on both the making and shaping of China's foreign policy in Africa, and subsequently China Africa relations as a whole. This study relies on an extensive review of available qualitative and quantitative data to gain insights into the complex institutional and operational framework behind Chinese government support for the international ambitions of Chinese companies in Africa. What are the motives behind Beijing's "Going Global" Policy? Which key institutions are involved, and what policy tools are employed to encourage the overseas investments of Chinese companies? What are the key drivers behind Chinese companies' foray into the African market and what are the implications for China Africa relations, both in the short-term and long-term? These and other essential questions are addressed in this paper.

With the objective of promoting trade and investment and implement common projects in various domains between China and Portuguese-Speaking Countries (PSCs), the Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation was created by the Chinese government in 2003. This Forum based in Macao, follow the theoretical rational that internationalization is largely driven by networks of relationships, very often based in a share culture and language and that the network relationships of a firm is capable of providing the context for its international activities. Being part of the soft power diplomatic approach to the Portuguese Speaking Countries - considering that some of these markets are very important for Chinese economic development, due to the need to expand its foreign markets and, most importantly, to guarantee the supply of critical raw-materials and sources of energy - this charm offensive utilizes as persuasive tools the cooperation for development, humanitarian aid, cultural ties, bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, and the OFDI. In order to be effective, this model of global cooperation requires that every participant perceives it as being mutually beneficial, i.e., a "win-win" situation for all. Therefore to be a positive contributor to the Chinese "Go Global" policy this Portuguese kinship network should have the perception that Macao Forum activities contribute to the development of its business objectives - increase exports, investment growth, and other business with positive economic results - with China, Macao and between themselves. Our research was aimed at Portuguese companies (exporting and/or investing in China, Macao and HK) in order to get a clearer idea of their opinion about their perception of the Forum and its potential. Within this set of conclusions, we can consider that Macao Forum can do better for the perception of positive benefits for the Portuguese companies participating in its activities thus creating the perception of a "win-win" situation, reinforcing its utility in the increase of exports to China, growth of FDI in China, Macao and PSCs, the increase of business networks between companies of these economic spaces and the increase of business economic results in other kind of business rather than exports or investment. In the future we intend to conduct similar research on the perceptions of companies of other PSCs.

There is a rising interest in both skills policy and industrial policy in OECD countries following the economic downturn. But how can skills policy best support industrial growth? In the UK, the coalition government is arguing for an industrial policy which is bottom-up, supporting networks of employers and helping to build productive local supply chains. There is simultaneous investment in a more 'employer-led' skills policy, in order to better tackle skills shortages and gaps. But is an employer-led skills policy the best way of boosting industrial growth in all UK regions? Are there potential market failures in employer-led policies of which the public sector should be aware? This article warns against taking an overly simplistic approach to skills development, arguing that while skills policies should be flexible to the needs of employers, there is still justification for investing in a broad educational curriculum at the local level. Further, policy-makers may need proactively to help employers to better use skills in some regions in order to boost productivity and growth.

The thesis is an investigation of how global processes intersect with local contexts to shape the outcomes of biofuels for different social groups within Guatemala. Its theoretical stance is drawn from political ecology, which argues that phenomena such as the development of biofuels cannot be understood in isolation from the political economic contexts within which they are embedded. The analysis begins with a description of the European Union's evolving biofuels policy framework. It then turns to an examination of the outcomes in Guatemala, a country that has taken advantage of the opening up of global and specifically European markets for biofuels. The EU is by design one of the few markets to address the sustainability impacts of biofuels and the thesis examines the question of whether its objectives are being met. Since 2006, the production of biofuels, specifically sugarcane ethanol, in Guatemala has increased from almost nil to more than 94 million litres per year in 2011-12. Virtually all of this production was destined for the EU market, which has been an important driver of this growth. This makes Guatemala an excellent case study for examining not only the impacts of increased global demand for biofuels, but also whether sustainability governance, as developed by the EU, adequately captures those issues that are salient to producer country contexts. The main empirical basis of the research is a series of more than seventy interviews, field visits and personal observations drawn from eight months field work in Guatemala. Interviewees ranged from the ex-Minister for Energy to peasant farmers. There are also interviews with EU officials. The thesis argues that given Guatemala's history of civil conflict, weak governance and unequal land tenure the likelihood of developing an equitable and sustainable biofuels sector as envisioned and understood by European policy actors – one which would deliver rural development and environmental benefits – appears limited.

The volume of foreign aid to the health sector in low- and middle-income countries and the number of donors involved have increased in recent years. During the last two decades, more attention has been directed towards better coordination of donor resources and activities, particularly in the health sector. Models and agreements for how to improve the coordination of aid, such as the sector-wide approach (SWAp) and the Paris Declaration, have been launched. Significant effort has been invested in designing models for coordination, but comparatively little time has been devoted to studying how these models are implemented or what effects they have had. This thesis explores and analyses how health-sector aid coordination is implemented, from its definition in global policies to its practical application at the local level in Zambia. Aid coordination is analysed from the perspective of policy implementation. All four studies described in this thesis were conducted in Zambia, a country with extensive experience of coordination of activities and resources in the health sector. A case-study design was applied, which combined qualitative and quantitative methods for data collection. Nonparticipant observations, semi-structured interviews, document review and data on financial and administrative accounts were used. In total, more than 100 interviews were conducted with key actors: donor representatives and government officials. Findings were compared with nationally and internationally agreed indicators for efficiency in resource allocation and aid effectiveness. Findings showed that coordination is translated as it is adopted, being adapted to suit the existing administrative structures in different contexts. Translations varied more between actors than between different institutions. In general, actors were content with how healthsector aid was coordinated, although stakeholders had different ideas about how such coordination should be implemented. In Zambia, coordination efforts that started in the early 1990s have so far contributed little to the efficient allocation and use of resources in the health sector. Indicators for aid effectiveness showed that the coordination of resources at the district level is still a challenge since the number of external partners is increasing and the predictability of resources is not improving. Coordination of health-sector aid has led to changes in the ways that development aid is organized. In practice, however, the effects of these changes are still limited. The lack of effects is explained partly by observed decoupling between policy and practice, as processes are adjusted to match the actors needs and fit into the local context. The actors different understandings of how coordination is implemented and the fact that many resources are still uncoordinated weaken government ownership and are contrary to the global agreement of the Paris Declaration.

The core argument of this chapter is that expert knowledge is increasingly co-terminous with governance whereby experts in transnational policy communities (TPCs) co-author and co-construct specific global policy institutions such as global and regional partnership programs (GRPPs). TPCs not only engage in extensive networking to share scientific knowledge, but build their own bureaucratic expertise and capacities for making authoritative judgement. Taking this approach towards knowledge(s) that must be translated, helps undermine the frequently encountered ontological separation between the scholar and the policy practitioner, between knowledge and power. Policy-making and knowledge-making are seen as mutually constituted. This becomes manifest in practices such as 'science diplomacy' (Davis and Patman, 2015; Fähnrich, 2015).

As the global population continues to grow, the corresponding increase of demands upon natural resources will present special challenges. Problems involving the scarcity of fresh water and arable land, additional requirements for energy, and accumulating pollution may all reach critical tipping points in the near future. In anticipation of such crises, governments worldwide are regularly convening to discuss possible strategies intended to mitigate these issues. High on the list of considered solutions is the enactment of biofuel development policies. To gain a broad perspective on the benefits and risks any biofuel policy/program faces, I examine the approaches taken to date by the US Government and the European Commission - the two prominent regulating bodies now involved in biofuels. Careful dissection of the two different approaches taken by these parties, with their successes and failures, reveals lessons broadly applicable to all biofuels and sustainability policy in general. U.S. and European policy trends have increasingly encouraged renewable fuel use in recent years. Many of these mandates and incentives have favored corn-based ethanol because of its existing market presence, infrastructure, and political influence. However, corn-based ethanol does not align with many of the social objectives that motivate renewable fuels policy. Algal biofuels are better united with these objectives along several dimensions, but economics continue to pose obstacles for large-scale production. This paper evaluates the role for algal biofuel in the context of modern policy and is intended to be a resource for policy makers, investors, and researchers interested in evaluating the political landscape associated with renewable energy for transportation and the potential for algal biofuel as a preferred feedstock.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse whether fiscal policies can alleviate the effects of the zero lower bound (ZLB) on interest rates and if they should be coordinated internationally. The analysis is carried out using EAGLE, a DSGE model of the global economy. We consider that the fiscal shocks are temporary and that fiscal policy retains full credibility at all times. In this setup we find significant non-linearities in a ZLB situation that amplify the effects of fiscal shocks compared to the non-ZLB case. International coordination is helpful but does not play a major role in the results.