Suchergebnisse

The financial sector is characterised by numerous changes that affect the changes in the institutional structure of functioning of the financial system, as well as the choice of funding of business entities. This has resulted in the fact that in contemporary business conditions, financing of economic development become a complex area of research. Local development planning on the basis of public revenues is a weak base for the rapid development of local governments. Therefore, it is necessary to supplement the budget financing by attracting private capital for the construction of public goods and improving the quality of public services. In this regard, the objective of this paper is to point to alternative ways of borrowing, both from domestic and international sources of funding, as well as to the possibilities for their use by the local governments. Bearing in mind the defined objective, the paper discusses the possible external sources of funding of local governments, such as loans from commercial banks and other financial institutions, and municipal bonds. In order to evaluate the possibilities for successful development of local governments, the paper points to the possible solutions to financing projects of public importance in the practice of Serbia.

Local self-government units are key cells of every country's development, pervading deeply needs and interests of local community members, the citizens of a state, who are considered to be the key factor in survival and development of a community. No successful democratic society can be achieved without a good and effi cient local self-government. For that reason, a special attention needs to be brought to the issue of local self-government units. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, there is a fragmented system of local self-governmentmunits at entity level, with a very low degree of mutual cooperation, which greatly complicates and hinders the functioning of local self-government units at the state level. There is no unity in regulation and compliance of local self-government units functioning, at the state level, with the European Charter of Local Self-Government, or the documents of the Council of Europe, which is at odds with the aspirations of our country in the process of Euro-Atlantic integration with the rest of Europe.

The paper emphasizes the most important global problems in the field of the environmental protection in the context of the debate about the importance of the participation of the local self-governments in addressing those. The paper points out to the fact that the Republic of Serbia harmonized the national environmental legislation with the EU legislation as a part of the European Integration process of the Republic of Serbia. This process included the transfer of a significant part of the work in the environmental field (including activities related to global environmental issues) to be carried out by the local self-government. These are the following issues: climate change, protection of the biodiversity, forest resources management, sustainable use and management of water resources, waste management. This paper identifies how the RS regulations transferred jurisdiction on environmental responsibilities to the local self-government. The paper also refers to the national regulations in the field of the environment in which the local self-government has been made competent for the activities related to the global environmental problems and the question of the capacity of the local self-government to implement these regulations.

Local government is a complex system of management (Holding Company) that directly provides various services to the local community or operates a service delivery system, of a "higher" managerial (political, economic, social) level. The services provided in local government are very numerous and different in character. In this multitude of services, utilities can be considered as the local government services in the narrow sense. Utilities are services provided by local governments that meet the needs and interests of citizens and organizations. All utilities are, in fact, activities providing utilities, that is, services provided by local governments, through their bodies, organizations and services. The actions that implement these utilities are expertly technical actions and procedures, but what precedes the undertaking of these utilities is determined by the General Administrative Procedures Act (GAPA). Therefore, the provision of public utilities has its own expert and technical aspect, as well as administrative, which accompanies it before, during and after, in terms of utility services management. The optimization of administrative procedures has become an important goal of administrative reform in many countries and involves a number of measures. What is primary is determining administrative costs and burdens, which are a significant barrier to business as well as meeting citizens' daily needs. After enlisting of the administrative procedures, it is necessary to analyze and then optimize the administrative procedures related to communal services, in order to determine which procedures need to be simplified and which should be abolished. After the analysis has been carried out, the proposal will be prepared for the amendment, or simplification of administrative procedures, as well as the eventual abolition of those that are unnecessary. ; Published

U okviru rada je detaljno analizirana politička delatnost srpskih pristalica ugarske vlade u užoj Ugarskoj od Austro-ugarske nagodbe 1867. do poraza Slobodoumne stranke na izborima 1905. Nastankom nagodbenog pravnog okvira ugarska politička elita je smatrala da su se stekli uslovi da se odredi da u Ugarskoj postoji samo jedna politička nacija. Predvodnici nemađarskog stanovništva su trebali da odluče da li da pokušaju da izdejstvuju što bolji položaj za svoju naciju unutar vladajuće političke stranke ili da se posvete nacionalnoj i državno-pravnoj opoziciji. Deo srpske inteligencije je smatrao da državno-pravna opozicija može više da šteti srpskim nacionalnim i kulturno-prosvetnim interesima nego da bude od koristi. Oni nisu osnovali zasebnu političku stranku već su pristali uz stranke Ferenca Deaka i Kalmana Tise, koje su se 1875. ujedinile u Slobodoumnu stranku. Pored Ugarskog sabora, oni su delovali i unutar ugarskih municipija, kao i u sklopu srpske crkveno-narodne autonomije. ; In this paper are, in detail, analyzed the political activities of Serbian supporters of the Hungarian government in Hungary proper from the Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1867 to the defeat of Liberal Party in the 1905 elections. With the setup of the compromise legal framework, Hungarian political elite considered conditions had been met in order to declare that there was only one political nation in Hungary. Leaders of non-Hungarian population were supposed to decide whether to try to force a better position for their nation within the ruling political party or to commit themselves to national and legal-state opposition. However, part of the Serbian intelligence believed that state-legal opposition could no longer be regarded as useful to Serbian national, cultural and educational interests. This is why they have not formed a separate political party but they acted within the parties of Ferenc Deak and Kalman Tisza, which were united into Liberal Party in 1875. Apart from the Hungarian Parliament, they were also acting within the Hungarian municipalities, as well as within the Serbian church-national autonomy.

This work is aimed at analysing the factors imposing limitations on the legislative function of parliament in the modern constitutional state. The legislative function has clearly been loosing its initial quality of the original and exclusive parliamentary function, because there is a number of legal and political limitations: the judicial review by the constitutional court; the role of the government in the legislative process; the internal organization of parliament, as well as the position of a member of parliament in the parliamentary groups. The constitutional court, through its interactive relation with parliament, has specific task to have a retroactive influence on the lawmakers. The strong domination of the government over the legislative activity expressed through the legislative initiative, an influence on the order of priorities in decision-making processes, to participate in discussions without any limitations and to eventually influence the outcome of the decision-making process using the motion of censure as a means of exerting pressure on the members of parliament, especially those belonging to the parliamentary majority. Taking into account the range and the strength of the impact that the parliamentary committees have, parliaments could be divided into 'the working assemblies' and 'the talking assemblies'. Finally, the nature of the parliamentary mandate (an MP's term of office) is no longer related to certain traditional values of the representative democracy. The significance and the character of the term of office are adjusted to the political framework of parliament in a contemporary constitutional state. It is the question of the relation between the people represented and the ones who represent them. .