A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.
A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.
A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.
A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.
A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising. ; Straipsnyje analizuojama, kurios Lietuvos interesų grupės ir kokiomis sąlygomis veikia Europos Sąjungos lygmeniu. Siekiant paaiškinti šiuos skirtumus, keliamos ir tikrinamos hipotezės, remiantis šių grupių organizaciniais veiksniais ir santykiais su nacionaline valdžia ir oponuojančiomis organizacijomis. Pateikiami ir analizuojami 2016 m. atliktos originalios Lietuvos nacionalinių interesų grupių apklausos duomenys. Tyrimo rezultatai suteikia naujos informacijos apie Lietuvos interesų grupių europeizaciją. Empirinių duomenų analizė rodo, kad lobistinių veikų vykdymą Europos Sąjungos lygmeniu lemia organizacijos santykinė galia nacionalinėje interesų grupių sistemoje. Europeizacijai stiprų poveikį daro ir viešosios politikos sritis, finansiniai ištekliai, narystė tarptautinio lygmens interesų organizacijose. Organizacijos tipas ir jos santykiai su nacionalinėmis valdžios institucijomis europeizacijai nėra svarbūs.
The thesis analyzes interaction between EU interest groups and EU institutions. It explains how, why and where interest groups operate, what they represent, and whether the interests of Lithuanian organizations are represented in the European Union. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate interaction of interest groups with EP and EC. In order to reach this objective six tasks have been set. First of all, the activity of EU operating interest groups is considered. Also, the thesis studies the relation of interest groups with the European Commission and the European Parliament, the regulation of the activity of EU interest groups, the registers of EC and EP interest groups, and the representation of Lithuanian organizations in EU. In the thesis the following methods are used: descriptive method, analytical method, the method of statistical analysis, and the method of quality research semi-structured interview. After the creation of the common market, interest groups have become more active, which has been caused by such factors as europeization and euro-integration. Interest groups influence the decisions of EC, EP and ET. EU has a favorable opinion about interest groups, because they help to solve the problem of "the lack of democracy". Interest groups are most active in the stage of the law establishment, when they seek to influence the formation of laws. The sphere where interest groups are most active is EC. By its functions EC plays a key role in the formation of EU policy. EC associates a great deal with interest groups, thus depends on the information supplied by them. EP does not have such functions as EC, consequently is not so important for interest groups. EP becomes an essential agent in the sphere where the procedure of common decision-making is applied. EP's greater powers attract more attention from interest groups. In EU there is no specific act regulating the lobby activity of interest groups. EC seeks to initiate open dialogue with interest groups, applies minimal control and encourages self-regulation. EP applies stricter rules, one of which is the obligation for interest groups to be listed on the register. According to the statistics of the EU registers of interest groups, EU old state-members' organizations have more representation, while EU new state-members' representation is very insufficient. Business and public interest are better represented in EU. The number of interest groups in EU has been growing very rapidly. Due to scarce experience, contacts, intellect and financial resources, Lithuanian organizations are not ready to effectively protect their interests. For this reason, they usually assign their representation to European organizations, involving themselves quite actively in their activity.
The thesis analyzes interaction between EU interest groups and EU institutions. It explains how, why and where interest groups operate, what they represent, and whether the interests of Lithuanian organizations are represented in the European Union. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate interaction of interest groups with EP and EC. In order to reach this objective six tasks have been set. First of all, the activity of EU operating interest groups is considered. Also, the thesis studies the relation of interest groups with the European Commission and the European Parliament, the regulation of the activity of EU interest groups, the registers of EC and EP interest groups, and the representation of Lithuanian organizations in EU. In the thesis the following methods are used: descriptive method, analytical method, the method of statistical analysis, and the method of quality research semi-structured interview. After the creation of the common market, interest groups have become more active, which has been caused by such factors as europeization and euro-integration. Interest groups influence the decisions of EC, EP and ET. EU has a favorable opinion about interest groups, because they help to solve the problem of "the lack of democracy". Interest groups are most active in the stage of the law establishment, when they seek to influence the formation of laws. The sphere where interest groups are most active is EC. By its functions EC plays a key role in the formation of EU policy. EC associates a great deal with interest groups, thus depends on the information supplied by them. EP does not have such functions as EC, consequently is not so important for interest groups. EP becomes an essential agent in the sphere where the procedure of common decision-making is applied. EP's greater powers attract more attention from interest groups. In EU there is no specific act regulating the lobby activity of interest groups. EC seeks to initiate open dialogue with interest groups, applies minimal control and encourages self-regulation. EP applies stricter rules, one of which is the obligation for interest groups to be listed on the register. According to the statistics of the EU registers of interest groups, EU old state-members' organizations have more representation, while EU new state-members' representation is very insufficient. Business and public interest are better represented in EU. The number of interest groups in EU has been growing very rapidly. Due to scarce experience, contacts, intellect and financial resources, Lithuanian organizations are not ready to effectively protect their interests. For this reason, they usually assign their representation to European organizations, involving themselves quite actively in their activity.
The thesis analyzes interaction between EU interest groups and EU institutions. It explains how, why and where interest groups operate, what they represent, and whether the interests of Lithuanian organizations are represented in the European Union. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate interaction of interest groups with EP and EC. In order to reach this objective six tasks have been set. First of all, the activity of EU operating interest groups is considered. Also, the thesis studies the relation of interest groups with the European Commission and the European Parliament, the regulation of the activity of EU interest groups, the registers of EC and EP interest groups, and the representation of Lithuanian organizations in EU. In the thesis the following methods are used: descriptive method, analytical method, the method of statistical analysis, and the method of quality research semi-structured interview. After the creation of the common market, interest groups have become more active, which has been caused by such factors as europeization and euro-integration. Interest groups influence the decisions of EC, EP and ET. EU has a favorable opinion about interest groups, because they help to solve the problem of "the lack of democracy". Interest groups are most active in the stage of the law establishment, when they seek to influence the formation of laws. The sphere where interest groups are most active is EC. By its functions EC plays a key role in the formation of EU policy. EC associates a great deal with interest groups, thus depends on the information supplied by them. EP does not have such functions as EC, consequently is not so important for interest groups. EP becomes an essential agent in the sphere where the procedure of common decision-making is applied. EP's greater powers attract more attention from interest groups. In EU there is no specific act regulating the lobby activity of interest groups. EC seeks to initiate open dialogue with interest groups, applies minimal control and encourages self-regulation. EP applies stricter rules, one of which is the obligation for interest groups to be listed on the register. According to the statistics of the EU registers of interest groups, EU old state-members' organizations have more representation, while EU new state-members' representation is very insufficient. Business and public interest are better represented in EU. The number of interest groups in EU has been growing very rapidly. Due to scarce experience, contacts, intellect and financial resources, Lithuanian organizations are not ready to effectively protect their interests. For this reason, they usually assign their representation to European organizations, involving themselves quite actively in their activity.
Nowadays, the concept of \"public authority\" includes public policy formation and public administration, executive power and its strength, also the influence of civil servants, citizens and their groups on the formation of the political and administrative decisions, public-private partnerships, etc. The Government has the most important place in the Lithuanian system of executive authorities. It is the supreme executive body of state power in the Republic of Lithuania, which is implementing the executive power and leading the institutions of this system coordinating their activity. While solving the problems and drafting the laws and their projects Lithuanian government establishes working groups to tackle specific issues. Through all the possible means and methods of operation the laws can be implemented and applied quite sensibly and reasonably, dealing with specific real life situations, creating and implementing public development programs, however there still are barriers dealing with the issues of state interest. The aim of the research – to discuss the structure, activity of public authority, external impact on it, types of policy networks at the level of theory, to analyze the activity of one of the structural parts (work groups); to clarify the types of policy networks established in the Lithuanian government bodies and their implications for the state. There are raised three hypotheses: (1) in the scientific literature there is lack of regulation of activity of government working groups, their formation, also, the rules and principles for the selection of candidates; (2) given time limits, number of participants and the gender distribution in groups has negative effect on activity of government working groups; (3) productivity of the activities of government working groups is determined by the communication and cooperation within the group and with other groups, as well as by external factors. The scientific literature revealed a variety of functions and structure of public authority and legal regulation of Lithuanian Government activity, however, very few information is found about the operational regulation of Prime Minister's working groups, their formation, the rules and principles for selection of candidates. So hypothesis no. 1 (H1) was confirmed. Analyzis of the collected data about work groups established during the period from October 2009 till April 2010 showed that such factors as the number of members, time limits for achieving results and gender distribution in groups do not have any significant impact on succes or failure in achieving the results, no patterns were found. That means hypothesis no. 2 (H2) was not confirmed. The research also revealed that productivity of work groups is determined by the internal atmosphere, the competence and motivation to act, as well as the lack of cooperation between groups, and various external factors can obstacle to achieving full results. Thus, hypothesis no. 3 (H3) was confirmed. The study also showed that because of the rise of the various obstacles in carrying out its tasks effectively work group members lose their confidence in in their own capabilities to affect the results of all the group, so the majority of the respondents are not likely to assess their contribution to the group activity positively. Obviously, it also has a negative impact on group success rate. The thesis can be applied when trying to establish rules for organizing working group activity and distribution of its activities, and trying to ensure the smooth work of the groups. Also, the thesis may be useful for students studying the subject of public administration.
Nowadays, the concept of \"public authority\" includes public policy formation and public administration, executive power and its strength, also the influence of civil servants, citizens and their groups on the formation of the political and administrative decisions, public-private partnerships, etc. The Government has the most important place in the Lithuanian system of executive authorities. It is the supreme executive body of state power in the Republic of Lithuania, which is implementing the executive power and leading the institutions of this system coordinating their activity. While solving the problems and drafting the laws and their projects Lithuanian government establishes working groups to tackle specific issues. Through all the possible means and methods of operation the laws can be implemented and applied quite sensibly and reasonably, dealing with specific real life situations, creating and implementing public development programs, however there still are barriers dealing with the issues of state interest. The aim of the research – to discuss the structure, activity of public authority, external impact on it, types of policy networks at the level of theory, to analyze the activity of one of the structural parts (work groups); to clarify the types of policy networks established in the Lithuanian government bodies and their implications for the state. There are raised three hypotheses: (1) in the scientific literature there is lack of regulation of activity of government working groups, their formation, also, the rules and principles for the selection of candidates; (2) given time limits, number of participants and the gender distribution in groups has negative effect on activity of government working groups; (3) productivity of the activities of government working groups is determined by the communication and cooperation within the group and with other groups, as well as by external factors. The scientific literature revealed a variety of functions and structure of public authority and legal regulation of Lithuanian Government activity, however, very few information is found about the operational regulation of Prime Minister's working groups, their formation, the rules and principles for selection of candidates. So hypothesis no. 1 (H1) was confirmed. Analyzis of the collected data about work groups established during the period from October 2009 till April 2010 showed that such factors as the number of members, time limits for achieving results and gender distribution in groups do not have any significant impact on succes or failure in achieving the results, no patterns were found. That means hypothesis no. 2 (H2) was not confirmed. The research also revealed that productivity of work groups is determined by the internal atmosphere, the competence and motivation to act, as well as the lack of cooperation between groups, and various external factors can obstacle to achieving full results. Thus, hypothesis no. 3 (H3) was confirmed. The study also showed that because of the rise of the various obstacles in carrying out its tasks effectively work group members lose their confidence in in their own capabilities to affect the results of all the group, so the majority of the respondents are not likely to assess their contribution to the group activity positively. Obviously, it also has a negative impact on group success rate. The thesis can be applied when trying to establish rules for organizing working group activity and distribution of its activities, and trying to ensure the smooth work of the groups. Also, the thesis may be useful for students studying the subject of public administration.
There were attempts to develop the defence cooperation between the Nordic states often were interrupted by one or two of the Nordic states. The end of the Cold War opened up opportunities for new defence projects. But the Nordic defence identities which were shaped since the Second World War, remained the same. Therefore, Nordic states had to wait for 20 years for the new common defence cooperation initiative to emerge. Still it is not clear whether it will be successful, because the success of cooperation in the field of defence development depends not only on the overlap of parties' interests, objectives, threats, security, but also on the compatibility of their defence identities compatibility. The object of this paper is the common elements of defence identities of the Nordic states, and the possibility for them to ally. The aim of this paper aim is to distinguish the characteristic features of defence identities of the Nordic states. To achieve the aim the following goals are settled: to define the concept of the defence identity, highlight its essential elements and analytical variables on the basis of constructivist theory of international relations; to single out and examine the essential variables of the defence identities of he Nordic states; to analyze the similarities and differences between defence identities of the Nordic states, to assess the favor on the development of cooperation in the field of defence, and the possibility to construct a collective Nordic defence identity. The hypothesis of this paper proposes that the current defence identities of the Nordic sates are too different to be able to form a collective Nordic defence identity. Whereas the analysis is performed on cultural variables, it is difficult to measure the exact values, therefore only those variables that have implications for collective identity formation and development of defence cooperation are considered. In accordance with logic of constructivism defence identity is a behavioural models, concepts, and expectations related to the use of the military instrument. The main variables that indicate the nature of defence identity are the perception of threats, the goals for the use of force, the way in which force used, preferred mode of cooperation, threshold for domestic and international authorisation, foreign policy objectives and preferred partners in defence cooperation. The opportunities of collective defence identity formation are reflected in the meanings of these variables. The compatibility of the defence identities of the Nordic states is high enough for successful collective defence identity formation. However, the differences of defence identities have a significant negative impact on the successful development of cooperation. Collective Nordic defence identity will not be formed without strong institutions of defence cooperation.
The present dissertation is addressed to the problem formulated in the purpose of the study – the method for evaluation of factors, influencing the formation of business groups in Lithuania. Part I of the dissertation examines the differences in concepts of corporate group and business group. The paper theoretically substantiates the internal factors, influencing the formation of business groups in the context of systems' theory. Part II of the dissertation summarizes the studies and surveys in the area of formation of integrated diversified business structures, and substantiates the created methodology for an evaluation of factors influencing the formation of business groups in Lithuania under the context of self-organization of complex adaptive autopoetic systems. Part III of the dissertation provides a review of formation of main Lithuanian business groups and summarizes the results of the expert survey performed using two different scales of evaluation. Factors, influencing the formation of Lithuanian business groups are ranked by priority, using both classical and balanced scales. The dissertation is completed with the conclusions and recommendations for government in order to minimize the negative impact of business groups on Lithuanian business system, the list of references and the Annexes.
The present dissertation is addressed to the problem formulated in the purpose of the study – the method for evaluation of factors, influencing the formation of business groups in Lithuania. Part I of the dissertation examines the differences in concepts of corporate group and business group. The paper theoretically substantiates the internal factors, influencing the formation of business groups in the context of systems' theory. Part II of the dissertation summarizes the studies and surveys in the area of formation of integrated diversified business structures, and substantiates the created methodology for an evaluation of factors influencing the formation of business groups in Lithuania under the context of self-organization of complex adaptive autopoetic systems. Part III of the dissertation provides a review of formation of main Lithuanian business groups and summarizes the results of the expert survey performed using two different scales of evaluation. Factors, influencing the formation of Lithuanian business groups are ranked by priority, using both classical and balanced scales. The dissertation is completed with the conclusions and recommendations for government in order to minimize the negative impact of business groups on Lithuanian business system, the list of references and the Annexes.
In terms of political context of Catalonia's referendum and declaration of independence, it's relevant to analyse Catalans' national identity and its main structural elements. The main cause for the study was to identify whether catalans' identity is constructed through the opposite narratives and variables of distance from Spanish people and what are the main elements which allow us to highlight the process of strengthening this national identity of Catalans. Therefore the main goal is to identify how (and if) the distance between these two identities of Spanish and Catalans was developed. Also, to assess the connection of Catalans' identity to the secession process. In order to reach these goals the main structural elements for the national identity were distinguished. Futhermore, the recent political events and the political system of Catalonia were discussed. It was chosen two Catalans websites (El National and La Vanguardia) and their analytical articles for this research. The study showed that apparently there are quite a lot of differences between Spanish and Catalans which are reflected in the narratives of media. And the distance definitely demonstrates the strenght of Catalans' identity which reflects to the concrete political steps towards Catalonia's independence. However La Vanguardia narratives show the existence of seeking to diminish these differences and suggesting to take uniting decisions for both parts of the conflict. However it should be mentioned that the hostility and ethnicity (basically the language) are the only one non-changing elements of national Catalans' identity, the others might be changed. This means that in the long-term perspective there is a likely possibility for Catalans and Spanish to find a solution of living together, especially by giving more autonomy and rights for Catalonia within the country of Spain. All in all it's worth to follow the process of Catalan national identity in the future to see their direction and possible changes in terms of distance or the proximity.
In terms of political context of Catalonia's referendum and declaration of independence, it's relevant to analyse Catalans' national identity and its main structural elements. The main cause for the study was to identify whether catalans' identity is constructed through the opposite narratives and variables of distance from Spanish people and what are the main elements which allow us to highlight the process of strengthening this national identity of Catalans. Therefore the main goal is to identify how (and if) the distance between these two identities of Spanish and Catalans was developed. Also, to assess the connection of Catalans' identity to the secession process. In order to reach these goals the main structural elements for the national identity were distinguished. Futhermore, the recent political events and the political system of Catalonia were discussed. It was chosen two Catalans websites (El National and La Vanguardia) and their analytical articles for this research. The study showed that apparently there are quite a lot of differences between Spanish and Catalans which are reflected in the narratives of media. And the distance definitely demonstrates the strenght of Catalans' identity which reflects to the concrete political steps towards Catalonia's independence. However La Vanguardia narratives show the existence of seeking to diminish these differences and suggesting to take uniting decisions for both parts of the conflict. However it should be mentioned that the hostility and ethnicity (basically the language) are the only one non-changing elements of national Catalans' identity, the others might be changed. This means that in the long-term perspective there is a likely possibility for Catalans and Spanish to find a solution of living together, especially by giving more autonomy and rights for Catalonia within the country of Spain. All in all it's worth to follow the process of Catalan national identity in the future to see their direction and possible changes in terms of distance or the proximity.