Suchergebnisse

Modern business groups have a powerful impact on the economic development of both developed and developing countries making it relevant to study the economic foundations of the success of these institutional structures. The article provides a systematization of international and national experience in the functioning of internal capital markets of business groups that can become one of most important strategic advantages of business groups by providing member companies with "exclusive" opportunities for efficient redistribution of intragroup funds. The methodological base of the study incorporates methods of systematization as well as statistical and comparative analysis. The study shows that business groups make a significant contribution to industrial production and, representing a large part of corporate sector (in terms of number of participants, industry coverage, size of assets, profits and market capitalization), play a significant role in the economic development of various countries. Internal capital markets of business groups are used to mitigate financing constraints and rescue weak member-companies, thus, help maintain and further strengthen the positions of integrated structures. Drawing on a wide range of empirical studies, the article highlights key effects of the redistribution of group financial resources in the context of three fundamental motives of controlling owners. The study demonstrates that under the current economic conditions Russian companies affiliated with business groups are imposed with more prerequisites to use internal capital markets to overcome external financing deficit. Estimated amounts of funds involved in financial transactions with related parties confirm the thesis on the growing role of Russian business groups' internal capital markets in corporate financing activities. Results and conclusions of this paper can be applied in practice by consultants and financial managers seeking to improve the funding of companies affiliated with both Russian and foreign business groups.

In article spiritual and moral features of youth leaders and their influence on followers are analyzed. We present the results of researches of the author of youth leadership dynamics. We show the results of empir-ical research of qualities inherent in youth leaders and results of studying of youth destructive leadership.

Статья посвящена проблеме выявления стратегических групп на рынке бизнес-образования. Авторами проведен систематический обзор публикаций по теме. Объект исследования в этих работах - развитые рынки бизнес-образования США и Западной Европы, предмет исследования - группы относительно однородных учреждений образования, демонстрирующих близкое стратегическое поведение (для их обозначения используется термин «стратегические группы»). Разделение участников рынка на стратегические группы для исследователей является основой для выявления факторов эффективности в соответствующих группах, а для руководителей учреждений образования и регуляторов рынка - предпосылкой построения содержательно интерпретируемых ранкингов (упорядоченных приоритетных списков) и рейтингов (сравнительных числовых оценок) школ. Целью работы является выявление тенденций в изменении подходов к группировке школ и факторов, которые кладутся в ее основу. Результаты анализа свидетельствуют о том, что имеет место перенос исследователями акцента с характеристик предлагаемых школами образовательных программ на позиционирование школ в широкой социальной и образовательной среде. Уровень стратегического анализа при этом растет, но обсуждение темы остается фрагментированным и охватывает лишь часть рынков бизнес-образования.

National identities, considered a guarantee of successful development, were among the priorities for the five newly independent states that emerged in the territory of what used to be the Soviet Central Asia and Kazakhstan-the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, the Republic of Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and the Republic of Uzbekistan. The process began when the Soviet Union still existed: the Soviet Central Asian republics and Kazakhstan adopted laws on language that allowed the Central Asian elites to pass decisions related to the languages used by titular nations. In the post-Soviet years the language policy moved to the fore as one of the key aspects of the gradually emerging national identities treated with special attention at the state level. No matter how similar the processes were, no matter how close the cultures and traditions, each of the Central Asian countries chose its own road, fine-tuned to the specifics of their domestic contexts and the interests of the elites in power. The processes unfolded in full compliance with social continuity, traditions, culture and national languages that survived under Soviet rule. The republics, however, had to take into account the national minorities, including the Russian-speaking populations, in all post-Soviet republics. Inherited from Soviet times, the Russian language was dominant in all of the Central Asian republics, and even preserved much of its influence in the newly independent post-Soviet Central Asian states. This means that they should have opted for a relatively balanced language policy up to and including the continual stage-by-stage contraction of the spheres in which Russian was predominantly used. For obvious reasons they could not push aside their trade and economic relations with Russia and ignore the role of the Soviet cultural and educational heritage. This cushioned the political effects of the Soviet Union's disintegration, partially limited the role of nationalist parties in the newly independent states and helped preserve their educational potential. Shaping national identities in the post-Soviet Central Asian countries was not a smooth, let alone easy, process: societies were far from homogenous, while the regions found it hard to agree to more or less reasonable compromises. This became especially apparent in Kyrgyzstan, which was divided into the southern and northern parts; in Kazakhstan, where the local society was divided into zhuzes; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, where clans carried a lot of political weight. Thus the elites in power in all of the Central Asian states had no choice but to take into account very different or even clashing interests of informal groups and clans, and tune their policies accordingly. This means that the road towards national identities was far from simple: it meandered between contradictory trends and interests. This also explains the centuries-old mechanism of governance, namely, regional-clan approaches to various problems, which was in place in all of the Central Asian countries, functioning outside the party and state structures. While paying lip service to Communist ideology, leaders of the Central Asian republics invariably took the clan balance of power into account. From the very first days of independence, the Central Asian leaders remained loyal to the conceptual approach to national identities: they concentrated on historical heritage, culture, traditions and national language, the key element of national identity. Despite the fairly long history of their independence, the problem of national identity remains prominent in all of the Central Asian countries. It is intertwined with the problem of the emergence of statehood and development of political systems and the radical geopolitical shifts occurring against the background of mounting economic problems. This cannot but affect the situation in the Central Asian countries in which the process of shaping national identities has not yet been completed.

Over the last few decades, immigrant adaptation issues have continued to bear relevance both in Russia and around the world. Those who relocated to new places of residence no longer attach themselves to one place (locale), nation (state-civil community), or culture, which, of course, takes a toll on their self-perception and adaptation – this creates new opportunity and new dimensions in terms of identity. This mostly applies to civil, ethnic and local identities, due to their complex nature and their proportion between the country of origin and host environment. Both foreign and Russian researchers recognize the importance of studying immigrant identities, which is regarded as one of the components of their capacity for integration. This article considers the proportion of Russian identity, identity of country of origin, as well as local and ethnic identities of Azerbaijani immigrants living in Russia. Their readiness to transform their self-consciousness, with it being a key indicator of their integration into Russian society, is analyzed. This study's empirical basis consists of data from an all-Russian survey among labor immigrants, conducted by the HSE and CEPRS in 19 Russian regions in 2017, as well as data from semi-structured interviews with Azerbaijani immigrants living in Moscow, which helped identify situational factors in their hierarchy of identities and understand the foundations on which their self-consciousness is based. Analyzed is how immigrants' identity structure is influenced by age and place of residence, education level, type of immigration and duration of stay in Russia. It was revealed, based on in-depth interviews, that Russian identity among Azerbaijanis is based around a state-civil foundation, while in the case of elder generations it is based around their having been a common nation in the past. A conclusion is drawn indicating a transnational direction in Azerbaijani immigrants' identity, with ethnic identity prevailing, which fits in favorably with a developing sense of connection to Russia both among circular and long-term migrants. In relation to comparable studies conducted in 2011, analyzed are the increasingly more positive assessments of the host Russian environment by Azerbaijani immigrants, which, in our estimation, creates a favorable foundation for developing a positive Russian identity among them.

Events held by libraries under the guise of state national policy bear special meaning for the republic of Bashkortostan. Libraries are gradually transforming into centers where one can not only read literature, but also receive complementary services and spend their free time productively. The extent to which this idea is implemented in all of Bashkortostan's libraries depends on funding. This article attempts to understand the influence of libraries on forming the identities of readers. The central Zeki Velidi Togan National Library, as well as district libraries numbers 23 and 4 served as the object for our research. The design of each of these libraries primarily serves national (Bashkortostani) identity, while possessing certain foreign elements (Ufa, Russian, Soviet, Bashkir). A common trend appears to be the stable abundance of books about Salavat Yulaev – one of the symbols of the republic. Compared to the others, the central library holds considerably more events than any district library. Most events held by the central library are aimed at developing and sustaining Bashkir identity. Bashkir language is used during many gatherings, while the primary audience of thematic evenings is comprised of Bashkirs (there tend to be less Tatars Потенциал библиотек в формировании идентичностей читателей (на примере Уфы) 53 № 4, Том 10, 2019 and Russians present at these events). Ufa, Tatar and religious identities are almost completely absent from the events conducted by the National library. District libraries work in several directions simultaneously: working with troubled youth, moral education, local history, fields such as aesthetics, ecology etc. Evens held by district libraries are more diverse and correlate with the holiday calendar. Both district libraries evaluated provide books in several languages, however, the bulk of those books are written in Russian. Meanwhile books in Bashkir and Tatar are in somewhat less demand, due to their irrelevance (they are mostly read by national language students and teachers, of which there are not too many), and a lack of popular literature written in national languages.

Introduction: The article considers motivation for migration of Russian-speaking groups who came to Germany from the territory of the former USSR countries. The article focuses on the analysis of ethnically privileged migrant groups - late migrants (Russian Germans) and quota refugees (Russian Jews) who came to Germany in the period of the late 1980s to mid-2000s. The aim of the research is to reveal the main reasons for and motives of the Russian-speaking group migration from the post-Soviet republics. The authors focus on the migration motives which have not been fully described, shown or analyzed in foreign research works, thus, enabling the readers to broaden their view on the migration of Russian-speaking groups to Germany. Methods: The research is based on qualitative methodology using the method of thematically-centered interview. The selection was done by the "snowball" method. Analysis: The authors carried out a comparative analysis of several research works with the results of the project conducted with Russian-speaking groups in Munich in 2005-2006 and 2011. The analyzed basis makes 43 interviews. The paper discusses the most questionable aspects regarding the ascertainment of the motivations of Russian Germans and Russian Jews for moving to Germany; it also compares the groups and reveals common features of migratory background characteristics to both of them. The paper gives special attention to ethnic motivations of migration which turn to be both pushing and pulling factors for both Russian-speaking groups. It also compares interpretations of significance of ethnicity and ethnic discrimination being the reasons for migration of Russian Germans and Russian Jews in the research works analyzed here. Results: The hypothesis is that after the USSR split ethnic discrimination of both groups may be considered on the basis of "wrong" ethnicity in the countries of exodus. The conclusion is drawn that discrimination on ethnic basis cannot be the main reason for migration of Russian Germans and Russian Jews to Germany. It is more probable that in the case of Russian-speaking groups we deal with "drifting" ethnicity which may be suggested to or imposed on individuals. The data presented in the article may be of great interest for improving the state policy of this country towards compatriots from abroad and working out migratory regulations.

According to the previously developed typology of Russian regions by the criteria of population quality, the regions were divided into ten groups. A detailed analysis of each group allows determining possible ways to improve the quality of the population in the Russian regions. This article begins to present the cycle of such studies with the analysis of three smallest groups: the first group includes Moscow and St. Petersburg, the second — the Republic of Dagestan, the Republic of Ingushetia, the Chechen Republic, the third — Nenets, Khanty-Mansi, Yamalo-Nenets autonomous okrugs and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). The first group of regions is the most prosperous in terms of quality characteristics of the population, here the main problem is the low natural growth of the population. The specificity of the North Caucasus republics in this aspect lies in high indicators of population quality with low material living standards that contradicts the previously statistically confirmed hypothesis of strong impact of quality of life on population quality. The conclusion has been made about high importance of national culture and traditions in these regions. At the same time, comparison of these republics among themselves has shown that traditions in some of them are weakening, and more attention should be paid to economic factors — monetary income, poverty and unemployment rates. These problems in the North Caucasus regions are in line with the theory of multilevel economy, and their solution requires restructuring of the economy on the basis of its technological and technical re-equipment. In the third group, on the contrary, high monetary income is accompanied by poor qualitative characteristics of the population, especially by rates of alcoholism and drug addiction. These phenomena are correlated with the level of unemployment, the growth of which is caused not only by the global crisis processes in the development of the oil and gas sector, but also by the depletion of highly profitable deposits in the Northern regions of the country, the need to develop hard-to-reach and hardly removable sources of oil and gas. The solution may be to change the structure of the economy of these regions in the direction of development of the natural raw materials processing sector.

Based on the data of public opinion polls, the article assesses the degree of politicization and involvement in the practice of civic participation of a social group of "professionals", by which we mean the Russian people with higher education and, as a rule, earning a living through mental labour. It is believed that this very part of society is one of the main pillars of democratic regimes in most of the developed countries. In the Russian realities, as the authors of the article note, the representatives of this group for a long time were focused on individual self-realization and avoided participation in the social and political life of the country, that led to the lack of adequate representation of their interests in public policy. In the past few years, as demonstrated by the FCTAS RAS studies, a demand for democratic participation began to form against the backdrop of the awareness of "professionals", as well as of many other representatives of the middle class, of the importance of a favorable social environment (security, including environmental security, the presence of a developed social infrastructure, non-interference in the citizens private life, etc.). The authors believe that this is a request not only for adequate representation of the interests of these groups in the state, but also for changing the very nature of relations between the society and the state. The authors emphasize that the direct involvement of "professionals" in the practice of political and social participation is of "pulsating" nature yet, representing their reaction to certain political events that seem important. Despite the fact that the level of this involvement is not very high, nevertheless, it noticeably (and sometimes multiple) exceeds similar indicators of other socio-professional groups. In the event of a further deterioration in the quality of the socio-political environment and a decrease in the standard of living in the country, the "background" interest of the majority of Russian "professionals" in politics might be transformed into systematic and more active practices of political participation.

Careful attention to the information component of the complex interactions of
public health and modern medical and social environment is caused by appearance
new methodological possibilities of sociology of medicine, an important section of
which is the study of communicative activity of patients. Our work was focused at
women of reproductive age with different levels of reproductive health. The data
obtained revealed that the dimensions of the communicative field of reproductive age
women are directly dependent on the level of gynecological diseases. The extension
of the communicative field in women having 2 or more gynecological nosological
forms was observed as compared with healthy women were in such a communicative
channels as "Teachers" and "Health professionals"; and channel "Other members of
the opposite sex" was narrowed.