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In: International feminist journal of politics, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 351-370
ISSN: 1461-6742
In: International journal of Middle East studies: IJMES, Band 45, Heft 2, S. 336-339
ISSN: 1471-6380
In my 2007 monograph Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times (hereafter TA), I develop the conceptual frame of "homonationalism" for understanding the complexities of how "acceptance" and "tolerance" for gay and lesbian subjects have become a barometer by which the right to and capacity for national sovereignty is evaluated. I had become increasingly frustrated with the standard refrain of transnational feminist discourse as well as queer theories that unequivocally stated, quite vociferously throughout the 1990s, that the nation is heteronormative and that the queer is inherently an outlaw to the nation-state. While the discourse of American exceptionalism has always served a vital role in U.S. nation-state formation, TA examines how sexuality has become a crucial formation in the articulation of proper U.S. citizens across other registers like gender, class, and race, both nationally and transnationally. In this sense, homonationalism is an analytic category deployed to understand and historicize how and why a nation's status as "gay-friendly" has become desirable in the first place. Like modernity, homonationalism can be resisted and re-signified, but not opted out of: we are all conditioned by it and through it.
In: Interventions: international journal of postcolonial studies, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 37-54
ISSN: 1469-929X
In: International feminist journal of politics, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 444-445
ISSN: 1461-6742
In: Next Wave: New Directions in Women's Studies
Frontmatter -- contents -- foreword -- preface -- introduction -- 1. the sexuality of terrorism -- 2. abu ghraib and u.s. sexual exceptionalism -- 3. intimate control, infinite detention -- 4. ''the turban is not a hat'' -- conclusion -- postscript -- acknowledgments -- notes -- references -- index
In: American political science review, S. 1-19
ISSN: 1537-5943
Can nativist attitudes condition support for LGBT+ rights? The sustained advance in pro-LGBT+ attitudes in the West often contrasts with the greening of anti-immigrant sentiment propagated by nativist supply-side actors. We argue that these parallel trends are causally connected, theorizing that exposure to sexually conservative ethnic out-groups can provoke an instrumental increase in LGBT+ inclusion, particularly among those hostile toward immigration. Leveraging experiments in Britain and Spain, we provide causal evidence that citizens strategically liberalize their levels of support for LGBT+ rights when opponents of these measures are from the ethnic out-group. In a context where sexuality-based liberalism is nationalized, increasing tolerance toward LGBT+ citizens is driven by a desire among nativist citizens to socially disidentify from those out-groups perceived as inimical to these nationalized norms. Our analyses provide a critical interpretation of positive trends in LGBT+ tolerance with instrumental liberalism masking lower rates of genuine shifts in LGBT+ inclusion.
In the context of growing interest in sexual dissidence, academic and social movements are discussing homonationalism as the combination of tolerance towards lesbians and gays, racism and nationalism in a neoliberal globalised world. In this article we aim to quantitatively compare European nation states on homonationalist values using data collected through the European Value Study (2008-2010), through correlations and cross tabulation analysis. We ask to what extent homonationalism is reflected in the values of Europeans and if there is any difference among European countries. The results indicate that homonationalism is not reflected in the values of all Europeans. Those who are more tolerant to homosexuality tend to be less racist and nationalist. However, our results confirm the existence of groups of people in western European countries who combine tolerance to LGB people, racism and nationalism and consequently must be qualified as homonationalists.
BASE
In: Teaching with Gender Ser.
Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- Introductions: Why This Volume Now? -- Whither Homonationalism? -- Disability Disruptions of Ablenationalism and the Promise of the Janus-faced Nation -- When Homonationalism Meets Femonationalism Meets Ablenationalism: Contextualised Interventions in Feminist Teaching -- PART I: Homonationalism -- 1. Homonationalism as a Site of Contestation and Transformation: On Queer Subjectivities and Homotransnationalism across Sinophone Societies -- 2. Through a Decolonial Lens: Homonationalism in South Africa and the Cape Town Gay Pride Parade -- 3. Re-thinking Articulations of Nation and Gender through Asylum Policies: Discourses and Representations of Women Seeking Asylum in Spain -- PART II: Femonationalism -- 4. Exploring Femonationalist Convergences: The French Case of the Muslim Face-veil Ban -- 5. Teaching against Femonationalism: The Case of the Ban on Female Genital Mutilation in the United States and Switzerland -- PART III: Ablenationalism -- 6. Lovingly Constructed Media Nation-States: The Triple Cripples Continue the Legacy of Black Women -- 7. Crippling (Homo)nationalism: Disability Rights and the Allure of the Neoliberal Nation-state -- 8. Teaching the Non-compliant: Ablenationalism and the Chronically Ill Student in the Neoliberal Academe -- PART IV: Critical Pedagogies Contextualised -- 9. Affect and Critical Pedagogies: How to Teach against Homo/ Nationalism in the Midst of Current Nationalist Sentiment in Catalonia -- 10. Decolonising Gender and Nationalism through Critical Pedagogies: A Case Study from Mexico -- 11. Discomforting Pedagogies: The Politics of Teaching Sexual Diversity Education -- Index.
In: International feminist journal of politics, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 351-370
ISSN: 1468-4470
In: Sexuality studies series
Canada likes to present itself as a paragon of LGBTQ rights. This book contends that rather than being a beacon of justice, Canada's newfound acceptance of the LGBTQ community is a smokescreen that obscures and abets multiple forms of oppression...including the marginalization of queers who do not fit within accepted norms. As the title to this provocative volume implies, Disrupting Queer Inclusion: Canadian Homonationalisms and the Politics of Belonging seeks to unsettle the belief that inclusion equates to justice. The contributors draw from a range of interdisciplinary perspectives to detail how, in the fight for acceptance within mainstream society, "liberal gays" have unwittingly become complicit participants in a system that entrenches racialization as structured by white supremacy, furthers settler colonialism, advances neoliberalism, and props up imperialist mythologies (such as the one that Canada is a safe haven for homosexuals). They do this by highlighting the uneven relationships produced by normative articulations of sexual citizenship in a wide-range of contexts...in prisons, at PRIDE House, Pride marches, fetish fairs, and the feminist porn awards...as well as within the laws and regulations governing marriage, hate crimes, citizenship, blood donation, and refugee claims
This article draws on Mouffe's theory of agonistic democracy and critique of hegemonic consensuses to examine whether and how homonationalism can come to fuel antagonisms levelled against the gender+ movements. Using discourse analysis, the article analyses the case study of Denmark, where in 2018 the anti-gender campaign openly challenged the government's homonationalist discourse. The analysis confirms that the government's homonationalist discourse establishes modes of exclusion from the national imaginary, which the anti-gender actors contest by articulating an antagonism levelled against the gender+ movements' attributed queer ideology. The antagonising potential of homonationalist discursive practices is further substantiated by pointing to the ways in which the government's discourse reinforces a liberal idea of citizenship that gives priority to liberal rights over the democratic values of popular sovereignty and participation. Conversely, the anti-gender discourse gives priority to popular sovereignty at the expense of gender minority rights. Both the governments' and the anti-gender actors' discourses are thus found to fall short in terms of the prescripts of an agonistic public sphere. The article therefore argues for an abandonment of homonationalist discursive practices, when manifesting as a hegemonic consensus, which reinforces a liberal idea of citizenship to install a plural agonistic public sphere concerning sexual and gender minority politics.
BASE
In: Southeastern Europe: L' Europe du sud-est, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 32-53
ISSN: 1876-3332
This paper investigates the convergence of European Union enlargement strategies and queer politics in the production of Islamophobia in Kosovo. Through a reading of recent homophobic attacks in Kosovo, it examines how the incorporation of lgbti politics into the eu enlargement assemblages generate a representational praxis of queer communities in Kosovo under threat by Muslim extremists. This paper proposes that the Europeanization of lgbti rights depoliticizes queer communities and singles them out for protection as victims of Islamic fundamentalism by creating binary and exclusionary Queer/Islam divisions that prevent the emergence of intersectional solidarities and subjectivities such as queer and Muslim. In this context, European financed 'coming out' projects gain a new meaning in Kosovo, one where the promotion of visibility for certain queer subjects works simultaneously to expose Muslim 'extremists'. Queer acceptance in Islamophobic times, then, becomes the ultimate test of who can and cannot become European citizen.
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 63, Heft 2, S. 423-425
ISSN: 0035-2950