Suchergebnisse

Cilj rada je razjasniti pojam transcendentalno-aktivističke kreativnosti kao i razmotriti mogućnosti i preduvjete njezine realizacije u odgojno-obrazovnom procesu. Rad započinje opisom 'slike' prirode učenika koja se smatra potrebnom za praktičnu realizaciju ovog oblika kreativnosti. Pritom se naglašava činjenica ljudske nesvršenost i mogućnost kontinuiranoga razvoja. Kao metoda ostvarenja transcendentalno-aktivističke kreativnosti preuzima se dijalog shvaćen kao otvoreno iskazivanje i dijeljenja vlastitih misli, ideja i težnji s drugim ljudima bez skrivanja i straha od mogućih neuspjeha ili neugodnih iskustava. Budući da se institucionalizirani odgojno-obrazovni proces odvija u učionicama, opisuje se učionica kao zajednički prostor nade koji omogućava demokratsko angažiranje i borbu za promjene situiran u kontekstu širih zajedničkih prostora demokratskoga i aktivističkoga djelovanja. Demokratizacija učionica omogućava postavljanje socijalnih pitanja, prelaženje granica te kritičko propitivanje dominantnoga neoliberalnog diskursa te je stoga neophodan element aktivistički shvaćene kreativnosti. Dijalog kao sredstvo, i dijaloški pristup kao metoda kreativnog djelovanja, usmjereni su poništavanju efekata prevladavajućega elitističkog shvaćanja koje kreativnost prikazuje izoliranu od društva i namijenjenu posebno imaginativnim pojedincima. U radu se iskazuje stav kako nije vjerojatno da će u skoroj budućnosti doći do promjene dominantnoga shvaćanja kreativnosti u odgojno-obrazovnom procesu koje kreativnost promatra kao transformaciju postojećega. Razloge za ovakvo stanje nalazimo u dominantnom ekonomsko-političkom uređenju društva u cjelini, te odgojno-obrazovnoga sustava kao jednoga od društvenih podsustava. ; The aim of this paper is to clarify the notion of a transcendental-activist creativity as well as to consider the possibilities and preconditions for its realization in the educational process. The paper begins with the description of the 'image' of pupil's nature that is considered necessary for the practical realization of this form of creativity. The experience of human non-completion and the possibility of continuous development is emphasized. Dialogue, as a method of practical realization of transcendental-activist creativity, is understood as an open expression and sharing of one's own thoughts, ideas and aspirations with other people without hiding and fear of possible failures or unpleasant experiences. Since the institutionalized educational process takes place in the classrooms, the classroom is described as a shared space of hope which enables democratic engagement and struggle for changes in the context of the wider shared spaces of democratic and activist action. Democratization of classrooms, which is a necessary element of transcendental-activist creativity, creates a climate that sets the necessary conditions for discussion of social issues, crossing of preconceived boundaries and critical questioning of dominant neoliberal discourse. Dialogue as a medium and a dialogic approach as a method of creative agency is directed to the reversal of the effects of a traditional elitist concept of creativity that is treated isolated from a wider society and addressed exclusively to particularly talented individuals. The author feels that it is unlikely that in the near future a change in the dominant conception of creativity in the educational process will occur and therefor creativity will continue to be predominately defined a transformation of the existing. Reasons for this state of affair are situated in the dominant economic and political mode of organization of the society as a whole, and the educational system as a one of social subsystems.

The author considers constitutions not solely as legal systems intended primarily for lawyers but also as the legal expression of the state of cultural development, a means of cultural self-representation of a people, a mirror of its cultural heritage & the foundation of its hopes. He thinks that an interpretation of the state, besides the standard three elements, should include culture, if not as its "first" then at least as its fourth element. Haberle thinks that the concept of the constitution should not be fixated upon the state. Adapted from the source document.

This is an introduction to a special section of this issue, in which we publish four articles by Croatian scholars of a younger generation who work abroad or have obtained their academic qualifications abroad. By inviting them to participate in the existing community of Croatian political studies scholars, we hope to expand the boundaries of the discipline. In many ways, their articles offer a new perspective in terms of methodology, academic style, conclusions & the choice of topics they focus on. Hence, we should perhaps characterize this effort as being a step towards the emergence of a potentially new generation in the field of Croatian political studies. Adapted from the source document.

U povijesnoj osnovi europskih integracija, kao i u fazi pristupanja svake nove članice, leži nada u bolje sutra, u gospodarski napredak države i pojedinca. U radu se istražuje u kojoj je mjeri siromaštvo poticaj migriranju radne snage u potrazi za kvalitetnijom i sigurnijom egzistencijom unutar EU-a. Materijalna dobra osobe, obitelji i države pretpostavka su ostvarenja ljudskih prava. U radu se istražuju podatci Eurostata o stanju u RH nakon petogodišnjeg članstva u EU-u. Budući da su migracije radne snage potaknute materijalnom oskudicom, na razini Europske unije neizbježno dolazi do relociranih obitelji, ali i imovine. Zbog nade u povratak i obiteljskih veza koje se održavaju ovisno o tradiciji i osjećaju pripadnosti nacionalnom identitetu, nesumnjivo dolazi do usporednih bračno-imovinskih ili partnerskih režima. Uredbama EU-a iz 2016. godine uspostavlja se mehanizam pojačane suradnje u imovinskim učincima braka i registriranih partnerstava. Istražuju se uzroci i nastoje se predvidjeti posljedice sve brojnijih transnacionalno relociranih obitelji. ; The history of European integrations, as well as the accession of each new member state, is based on the hope for a better future, the economic progress of the state and the individual. The paper examines the impact of poverty on labor migration. Citizens of the EU member states are in permanent search for a better quality of life and more secure existence within the EU borders. The material goods of a person, family, and state are a prerequisite for the realization of human rights.The paper compares EUROSTAT data after five years of Croatian membership in the EU. Migrations of labour within the EU caused by economic crisis inevitably result in relocated transnational families and their property . The hope of return to the home country and maintenance of family ties, which depends on tradition and sense of national identity inevitably leads to parallel matrimonial or registered partnership property regimes. The 2016 EU Regulations establish a mechanism authorizing ...

The ethical distress of the (post)modern world stimulates and directs us to reflect our ethical and cultural grounds. Man is a transcendent being. He cannot reach or put in order immediate goods he needs if he is not prepared to acknowledge the grounds of his person and develop the virtues of prudence, love, hope, faith, wisdom, justice, courage, temperance etc. These are ethical questions concerning different worldviews and cannot be solved only by scientific methods. Many people who in the past did not care for religion as such, now take seriously religious personal and societal aspects of humane life. The fundamental crucial questions of man are ethical questions. They are in various ways related or perplexed with the question of faith and of science.

Radom se nastoji uspostaviti veza između Kantove etike i etike sporta povezivanjem koncepcije anthropocena, kao suvremene epohe tijekom koje prirodna povijest postaje kulturnom povijesti, s etikom nade, kako je predstavljena u Kantovoj Kritici rasudne snage. Ključan je moment Kantova argumenta da je biranje kulture ispravan put ljudskog razvitka prema civilnom društvu i kozmopolitskom jedinstvu. Je li sport takva kultura? Može li sport postati važan moment u suvremenoj etici nade? Odgovor je uvjetno pozitivan jer postoje određene prepreke. Prvo, jedan je od razloga za to inauguriranje olimpijskog sporta u svrhe održavanja ravnoteže u društvenim sukobima. Da je takvo što ostvarivo sugerira nam da bi hijerarhijski poredak izvrsnosti u sportskom natjecanju osnažio društvenu hijerarhiju. Drugo, sport je jedna od najpopularnijih i najprofitabilnijih globalnih zabava, no njime upravlja aristokratska elita s iznimnim potencijalom za zloupotrebu moći. Treće, globalni organizatori sporta imaju mnogo političke moći skrivene iza olimpijske mantre o isključivanju politike iz sporta. ; The paper aims to establish a link between Kant's ethics and the ethics of sport by connecting the concept of Anthropocene as the contemporary epoch during which natural history is becoming cultural history and the ethics of hope as presented in Kant's The Critique of Judgement. The crucial moment in Kant's argument is that choosing culture is the proper way of human progress towards civil society and cosmopolitan unity. Is sport this kind of culture? Can sport become an important moment in the contemporary ethics of hope? The answer is conditionally positive because there are obstacles present. Firstly, one of the reasons is that the modern Olympic sport was inaugurated to keep social conflicts in balance. That this purpose can be achieved suggests that the hierarchical order of excellence involved with sport competition should strengthen social hierarchies. Secondly, sport is one of the most popular and most profitable global entertainments, but it is governed by aristocratic elites with the enormous potential for the abuse of power. Thirdly, global sports organisations have a lot of political power hidden behind the Olympic mantra of the exclusion of politics from the sport. ; Cet article tente d'établir un lien entre l'éthique kantienne et l'éthique du sport à travers le concept d'Anthropocène, en tant qu'époque contemporaine au sein de laquelle l'histoire naturelle devient l'histoire culturelle, mais également à travers l'éthique de l'espoir, telle qu'elle est présentée dans la Critique de la faculté de juger de Kant. Le moment charnière de l'argumentation kantienne pose que la culture est le chemin de l'évolution humaine qui mène à la société civile et à l'unité cosmopolitique. Le sport est-il une culture de la sorte ? Le sport peut-il devenir un moment important au sein de l'éthique contemporaine de l'espoir ? La réponse est positive sous réserve d'un ensemble de conditions puisqu'il existe un certain nombre d'obstacles : premièrement, le sport olympique a été inauguré dans le but de maintenir les conflits sociaux en équilibre. Pour qu'un tel projet se réalise, cela suggère que l'ordre hiérarchique d'excellence dans la compétition sportive pourrait renforcer la hiérarchie sociale ; deuxièmement, bien qu'il soit régi par une élite aristocratique qui détient en son sein un énorme potentiel d'abus de pouvoir, le sport est l'un des divertissements mondiaux les plus populaires et profitables ; troisiè- mement, les organisations mondiales du sport possèdent un pouvoir politique qui se dissimule derrière les slogans olympiques qui revendiquent l'exclusion du politique dans le sport. ; Das Paper zielt darauf ab, eine Verbindung zwischen Kants Ethik und der Ethik des Sports herzustellen, indem es die Konzeption des Anthropozäns als zeitgenössische Epoche, während welcher Naturgeschichte zur kulturellen Geschichte wird, und die Ethik der Hoffnung, wie sie in Kants Kritik der Urteilskraft dargestellt wird, miteinander verknüpft. Das entscheidende Moment in Kants Argumentation ist, dass die Wahl der Kultur der richtige Weg des menschlichen Fortschritts zur Zivilgesellschaft und zur kosmopolitischen Einheit ist. Ist Sport eine solche Kultur? Kann Sport zu einem wichtigen Moment in der zeitgenössischen Ethik der Hoffnung werden? Die Antwort ist lediglich unter Vorbehalt positiv, da Hindernisse vorhanden sind. Erstens ist einer der Gründe dafür, dass der moderne olympische Sport ins Leben gerufen wurde, um soziale Konflikte im Gleichgewicht zu halten. Dass dieser Zweck erreicht werden kann, legt nahe, dass die hierarchische Reihenfolge der Spitzenleistungen im Sportwettbewerb die sozialen Hierarchien stärken würde. Zweitens ist Sport eine der beliebtesten und profitabelsten Unterhaltungsformen der Welt, die allerdings von aristokratischen Eliten mit einem enormen Potenzial für Machtmissbrauch beherrscht wird. Drittens haben globale Sportorganisationen hinter dem olympischen Mantra des Ausschlusses der Politik aus dem Sport reichlich politische Macht verborgen.

Belief in market economy has shown particular strength in post-socialist countries as being accompanied by great expectations regarding economic improvements at the individual level. Twenty years after the fall of the, so-called, real existing socialism these hopes have been fawned for the great majority of the citizens of these countries. The equation offered to explain the tendential low of individual living standard despite of increasing GDP, the access to European integrations and the implementation of structural reforms in the first decade of 2000s has been that the transition towards market economy has not yet been completed and that the problems with the wider prosperity of the citizens are due to inadequate or too slow course of the reform enforcement. This article proposes the exact opposite view by arguing that the wide economic deprivation of the citizens as well as the current economic crisis in which they are caught, are the effects of the neoliberal re-structuration and concomitant "democratization", and not the result of the lack of compliance to it. This article holds that the economic prosperity for the great majority is not compatible with the project of neoliberal economy cum conservative liberal democracy and that it can not be achieved within this frame. In post-socialist countries this simple conclusion has been obscured by the eschatological discourse about "transition towards democracy". Adapted from the source document.

Europe is a contingent product of its institutions rather than a political project. Although the announced goal was simplification & rationalization of its institutional system, the opposite occurred: the system has become even more complex. The author looks into the process dynamics & implementation results of the Lisbon Treaty (effective 1 December 2009), showing that the traditional European compromise leads to outcomes that none of the actors really wanted, & that no one is satisfied with. The European Union is an arena of institutional coercions & games, the rules of which are occasionally readjusted. This occasional readjustment accounts for the survival of the system, which is a priori unstable, for each unsatisfied partner thinks & hopes that redefinition might provide him with an opportunity to gain a better position. The process is especially visible in negotiations regarding the Lisbon Treaty, above all in the institutional innovation which is the function of the new president (of the European Council). The conclusive interpretation of the Lisbon Treaty will depend on the outcome of the bureaucratic struggle right until 2011, & prior to a new definition of the rules, undoubtedly no later than 2014. The new EU system testifies primarily to the fundamental trait of European integration, which strongly favoured from the outset a repeated rethinking of its form (its institutions) in the light of considerations regarding its goals (its policies). Adapted from the source document.

Europe is a contingent product of its institutions rather than a political project. Although the announced goal was simplification & rationalization of its institutional system, the opposite occurred: the system has become even more complex. The author looks into the process dynamics & implementation results of the Lisbon Treaty (effective 1 December 2009), showing that the traditional European compromise leads to outcomes that none of the actors really wanted, & that no one is satisfied with. The European Union is an arena of institutional coercions & games, the rules of which are occasionally readjusted. This occasional readjustment accounts for the survival of the system, which is a priori unstable, for each unsatisfied partner thinks & hopes that redefinition might provide him with an opportunity to gain a better position. The process is especially visible in negotiations regarding the Lisbon Treaty, above all in the institutional innovation which is the function of the new president (of the European Council). The conclusive interpretation of the Lisbon Treaty will depend on the outcome of the bureaucratic struggle right until 2011, & prior to a new definition of the rules, undoubtedly no later than 2014. The new EU system testifies primarily to the fundamental trait of European integration, which strongly favoured from the outset a repeated rethinking of its form (its institutions) in the light of considerations regarding its goals (its policies). Adapted from the source document.

The ability to publish one of the key texts of the ancestors of modern thought is a reliable sign of the self-awareness & professionalism of a community. Therefore, the long awaited Croatian translation of Hobbes' Leviathan deserves our full & close attention. Hobbes' main theoretical work is an especially challenging one to translate. It requires the translator to be skilled & well-versed in modern & contemporary political & legal theory. An undertaking of this magnitude makes sense only if through it -- by the means of the Croatian language -- we can hope to understand Hobbes' political ideas more fully. This careful scrutiny of the translation follows challenging pitfalls of translating Hobbes' capital work. The author examines the correctness of the terminology & the conceptual accuracy of the translation of terms, such as: "power," "Sovereignty," "Commonwealth," "Law" through the example of analyzing three chosen chapters (XVI, XXI, XXVI). Although the undertaking of such task deserves praise for both the translator & the publisher of the work, the review, a critical analysis of the work, states that the Croatian translation does not satisfy the high expectations. It is conceptually inaccurate at places, which, occasionally makes it harder or even impossible to understand Hobbes' original. The review ends on a doubtful self-critical note: are we up to the task of tackling this certainly most important book of modern political thought? The professional self-respect of Croatian political science depends, or should depend -- at least to some extent -- on tasks like this one. References. Adapted from the source document.

The main task of the Swiss security policy up to the collapse of the bipolar system was the country's military defense. The content of its defense doctrine was elaborated on & further expanded as total defense in the non-military direction. The end of the cold war marked a departure from the classical defense doctrine & also relativized the mythological character of permanent neutrality, forcing Switzerland to redefine its security policy in the altered European security setting. The expansion of the concept of security went hand in hand with an increased interest in international peace efforts & international cooperation. In the meantime, Switzerland's instruments & activities have multiplied in both fields. In certain aspects, eg, the control of the policy of disarmament & armament, Switzerland has excelled. Concerning the new forms of threats & intimidation it has shown willingness for across-the-border cooperation, while the traditional formula security through neutrality & independence increasingly gives way to the new motto: Security through cooperation -- a shift from its time-honored foreign- & security/political course of restrictive & detached attitude towards a more intensive cooperation. Although conceptually the development of Swiss security policy & consequently its shift towards some peace policy has not been even remotely supported by a satisfactory redistribution of financial & personal resources, the Swiss military reform -- introduced in early 2004 -- is de facto a conceptual accommodation of the Swiss military force to the new plan on European security. Switzerland has become a member of the PfP although, due to its policy of neutrality, it is not planning to join the NATO. Nevertheless, Switzerland is vacillating between the EU membership & a more substantial rapprochement with the NATO, at the same time putting all its hopes into the development of global management under the direction of the United Nations & the joint security system. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

Sve je uobičajenije za web aplikacije i poslužitelje za pohranu podataka rukovanje putem programskog rješenja u oblaku; stoga je sve veći broj ljudi koji svoje privatne podatke stavljaju na internet, motivirajući istraživanje mogućnosti programskog rješenja u oblaku, sigurnosti baza podataka i kodiranih nadležnosti. U procjeni Open Web Application Security Project (OWASP)-a, ubacivanje SQL-a jedan je od najopasnijih napadnih vektora na sigurnost interneta. Imajući to u vidu, uveli smo sustav nazvan sustav za probijanje sigurnosti web mjesta, koji pokreće algoritam za pretraživanje weba kako bi analizirao propuste na zaštiti URL-a i adresa e-pošte ispitivanjem crnih kutija web mjesta 20 poznatih sveučilišta. Na temelju naših podataka, održavatelji akademskih web mjesta mogu saznati kakvoj su opasnosti izloženi, kojim URL-ovima prijeti veća opasnost i što učiniti kako bi uredili web stranicu za zaštitu od ranjivosti i sprijećili napade na akademske resurse. Nadamo se da će se u budućnosti veća pažnja posvetiti sigurnosti informacija na akademskim mrežama, kako se to danas čini s komercijalnim i vladinim mrežama. ; It is becoming increasingly common for web application and data storage services to be handled by cloud computing; therefore, more and more people are putting their private information on the internet, motivating research into cloud computing, database security and authority encryption. In the Open Web Application Security Project (OWASP) assessment, SQL injection is one of the most dangerous attack vectors in internet security. With this in mind, we have implemented a system named the website security mining system, which leverages a web crawling algorithm to analyze web URL and e-mail address leaks through black-box testing of 20 well-known universities' websites. Based on our data, academic website maintainers can be clearly informed about what kind of danger they are exposed to, which URLs are highly in danger, and the need to patch the website to protect against vulnerabilities and prevent academic resources from attacks. We hope that in the future, academic networks will gain more attention in the information security community, just like commercial and government networks today.

U prvom dijelu članka prikazuju se pogledi na amatersko i pučko kazalište izneseni u knjigama Lj. Marakovića (Pučka pozornica, 1929.) te A. Freudenreicha (Gluma, 1934. i Kazalište za narod, 1940.). Ističe se Marakovićevo ustrajavanje na razdvajanju amaterskoga od profesionalnog kazališta, a Freudenreichovo na njihovu nadopunjavanju, kao i stav obojice da je etička (u Marakovića i vjerska) sastavnica pučkog kazališta važnija od estetičke. U drugom dijelu analiziraju se dva pučka igrokaza N. Škrabe, Za kunu nade i Isus u snack-baru, u kojima autor problematizira ugroženost pojedinca i zajednice, napose obitelji, u tranzicijskom razdoblju te na tragu Marakovićeva i Freudenreichova viđenja pučkoga kazališta poziva na povratak tradicionalnim vrijednostima, prije svega na odbacivanje i socijalističkoga i liberalno kapitalističkoga materijalizma, a obnovu zajedništva, solidarnosti i vjere. ; The first section of this essay deals with ideas of popular theatre and/or theatre for the people as conceived by two Croatian authors, theatre and literary critic Ljubomir Maraković, in the book Pučka pozornica (People's Stage, 1929), and architect and theatre director Aleksandar Freudenreich, in books Gluma (Acting, 1934) and Kazalište za narod (Theatre for the People, 1940). While Maraković insists on differences between nonprofessional and professional theatre, and on »believing people«, mostly rural, as the target audience of nonprofessional theatre, Freudenreich argues in favour of cooperation between nonprofessional and professional theatre, and lower, both rural and urban, classes as targeted audience for united »theatre for the people«. Ethical component of that sort of theatre is for Maraković, as well as for Freudenreich, fare more important than aesthetical one. The second section is focused two representative theatre pieces by playwright and theatre director Nino Škrabe (Jastrebarsko, 1947): melodrama Za kunu nade (Hope for a Penny) and Christmas play Isus u snack-baru (Jesus in a Snack-bar). In both plays Škrabe problematizes destruction of traditional values in Croatia in the time of, as he puts it, »deceptive and shameful transition« and »wild, vulgar capitalism«. His focus is on negative effects of economic and political changes on traditional lower-class family, and on love, faith and solidarity as the only way of resistance and preservation of the traditional human values.

Sudbinu je književnika – prognanika, uz mnoge u hrvatskoj povijesti, doživio i Vinko Nikolić (1912. – 1997.), dugogodišnji urednik (47 godina!) "Hrvatske revije" koja je povezivala emigraciju s domovinom i pozivala na oprost i pomirbu svih Hrvata. Pjesnik mora i krša, kruha i vina, samoće i nostalgije, religioznih motiva, sjećanja na zavičaj i žudnje za slobodom i zajedništvom, Vinko Nikolić zaljubljenik je u hrvatsku riječ, utjelovljenjeje tragične sudbine hrvatskoga naroda, ali i primjer privrženosti i odanosti domovini. Iako su težina i neizvjesnost svakodnevnoga križa duboko utkani u Nikolićevo stvaralaštvo, pjesnik rijetko izražava sumnju u Božje postojanje i u njegovu pomoć. Od molitvenih obiteljskih susreta do Križnoga puta i prognaničkih dana Krist mu je stalni suputnik (i supatnik). U životnom su mu hodu družice tjelesne i duševne patnje, gorčina, egzistencijalna zebnja, nostalgija i čežnja za zavičajem, ali i snažno domoljublje. U svojim se zahvalnicama, pokajnicama, psalmičkim i prozbenim pjesmama utječe Kristu i Majci Božjoj za pomoć. Sanja i vjeruje u povratak u Hrvatsku. Ritam njegovih pjesama nerijetko podsjeća na naše drevne bugarštice, a slobodni su mu stihovi misaoni, referencijalni i apelativni. Svakodnevni život i stvaralački opus pjesnika i kritičara, esejista i urednika, profesora i nakladnika V. Nikolića dobio je novi sadržaj odlaskom u progonstvo, ali je, srećom, nakon demokratskih promjena oplemenjen povratkom svojemu izvoru te su se Nikolićeva ljubav i žrtva, vjera i nada, bogoljublje i čovjekoljublje duboko ukorijenili u hrvatsku književnu tradiciju. ; Vinko Nikolić (1912 – 1997), the long-time editor (47 years!) of the "Croatian Review", also experienced the fate of the writer – displaced person like so many others in Croatian historythat linked emigration with the Croatian homeland and called for forgiveness and reconciliation of all Croats. A poet of the sea and rocky landscape, bread and wine, loneliness and nostalgia, religious motives, memories of the homeland and the longing for freedom and community, Vinko Nikolić is in love with the Croatian word, and is the embodiment of the tragic fate of the Croatian people but also an example of devotion and loyalty to his homeland. Even though the weight and uncertainty of the daily cross are deeply woven into Nikolić's body of work,the poet rarely expresses doubts about the existence of God and his help. From family prayer meetings to the Way of the Cross and days of exile, Christ is his constant companion (and fellow sufferer). His companions along his life journey are physical and mental suffering, bitterness, existential anxiety, nostalgia and longing for the homelaand, but also a strong patriotism. In his prayers of gratitude and repentance, and his psalm-like and suppliation poems, he calls on Christ and Mother Mary for help. He dreams of and believes in his return to Croatia. The rhythm of his poems is often reminiscent of our ancient bugaršticas and his blank verses are thoughtful, referential and appellative. The everyday life and creative work of this poet and critic, essayist and editor, professor and publisher, received new content with his going into exile, but fortunately, after the democratic changes, was enriched by his return to his origin, and Nikolić's love and sacrifice, faith and hope, love for God and humaneness are deeply rooted in the Croatian literary tradition.