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What is there to hope for today? How does hope manifestitself at a time when a linear understanding of the future,of growing prosperity, security, and progress is canceled?How can hope be thought beyond market-driven forms ofworldbuilding? Is there a third approach in which hope asa critical practice opens a path to alternative futures? After Techno Globalization Pandemic and Kingdom of the Ill,HOPE is the third chapter of the long-term project TECHNOHUMANITIES, exploring the urgent questions of what itmeans to be a global citizen in the present-day dependencybetween ecology, technology, and economy. HOPE bringstogether a wide range of artistic positions from differentgenerations that see the end of future as the start of newbeginnings and an incentive to validate more circular andre-generative practices as a source of wonder and collectivemovement

The essay problematizes the scientific study about «hope as competence». Starting from the critical analysis of Snyder's goal-oriented approach, it develops a proposal of hope as a «meta-competence». It's a systemic posture that includes awareness and acceptance of the limit as crucial for grounding in reality and developes political hope, not only individual. This meta-disciplinary approach evokes "reflective and aesthetic settings" in long-life-education con-texts. ; Il saggio problematizza lo studio scientifico inerente la "speranza come competenza". Partendo dalla analisi critica dell'approccio goal-oriented del modello di Snyder, sviluppa una proposta di speranza come "meta-competenza", ovvero come postura epistemica che include la coscienza e l'accettazione del limite come cruciale per il radicamento nella realtà e per la correlazione po-litica/ecologica delle speranze individuali. La forma meta-disciplinare della questione evoca dunque setting pedagogici e didattici di carattere sistemico, come quelli propri dei dispositivi riflessivi ed estetici nei contesti della long-life-education.

This research theorizes an ongoing, global, grand trend of geopolitical disintegration, in the Post-Cold War, and increasingly in post-1989 time. The proposed paradigm may be useful to analyze redistribution of internal power within every state, from developed old Western powers, to new developed powers as China and India, well beyond the dissolved former real-socialist countries and the so-called failing states. The focus is on not empirical description of each local request of more autonomy, self-government, or even independence, but on the reached limits of the centuries-long and planet-wide integration process, from which the modern states and contemporary world have arisen, and that has now left room to a time of disintegration. This insight draws on a wide range of positions and contributions from International Relations theorists, along with other political scientists and scholars of geopolitics, anthropologists and sociologists, political geographers and economists, historians of colonialism and nationalism, experts of secession, critics of globalization and postmodern intellectuals, federalists and anarchists. * The first of the three parts of this study, is dedicated to an historical insight about the geopolitical integration process that had westernized and globalized the entire world. War, the state and expansionism, were not an inevitable destiny. Instead, a very small group of modern states, in competition and imitation amongst themselves, started a particularly steady conquering march on the planet. Their power expanded in intensity and extension for centuries and, with and because of the Industrial Revolution, culminated in totalitarian states and in total wars. * * The second part treats the social and national movements that have led to the end, in 1989, of the bipolar paramountcy of the two industrial superpowers, United States and Soviet Union. Along with the dissolution of blocs and states, a steady decreasing of states wars, crimes and violences, is registered and explained in the study. A slippery use of the word and concept of nationalism, particularly in post-1989 geopolitical crises, is frontally attacked in this part, drawing from early works of Ernest Gellner and Tom Nairn. Under the umbrella term of nationalism, integrationist projects and their victims, colonizers and colonized, oppressors and resistants, are likely to be confused. An early intuition of Karl Deutsch about the social awareness and mobilization of people in post-totalitarian, post-industrial and post-colonial societies, is here crossed with the work about coercion, capital, inclusion and consent of Charles Tilly. Masses, once enslaved in industrialized obedience, have evolved in networks of active citizens – and netizens – able, in a less violent international system, to claim for more personal liberties but also, as communities, for social, economical, and geopolitical change. A theoretical conjecture is also presented in this second part: in the Post-Cold War, no old or new powers will be able to keep enough concentration of power, in order to compete for world domination. We have entered a permissive state of disintegration. Redistribution of power from center to peripheries, empowerment of federal units, multiplication of small states, may occur, from now on, because there is nobody and nothing capable of preventing it. From this geopolitical point of view, the 1989 is at the very beginning. While sharing certain premises of a well-known thoughtful article by Alexander Wendt, on the inevitability of a world state (2003), this work reaches a different conclusion. * * * In the third and last part, the scope and the nature of the break in the sameness of international life is explored, with normative purposes. History is not repeating, and integration prejudices along with integrationist projects should be overcome. Every state may substantially devolve powers to its internal authorities, or even breakup, and many new smaller states, or self-governing units within states, might come out. In this increasing number of polities, an overwhelming number of citizens may go well beyond electoral democracy and have direct access to power. They may coalesce around what Brian Ferguson defined an «identerest» complex: constructed identities and tangible interests, inextricably intertwined. Citizens and netizens demanding power on their own territories and disintegration of their states, are required to take care of citizenry's duties, not only citizenship's rights. A model of responsible, moderate, pragmatic, «princely citizenry», echoing Machiavelli and Gramsci, is here proposed. -|- Acquisitions of this study are bluntly offered as a contribution to political action in a time of geopolitical change, in which it would be important to rely on expertise, but also on compassion, and on a real interest in the historical and geographical, spiritual and material pathways that each local, concrete human community is pursuing. Western-led state-building hubris, for instance, should be put aside in Afghanistan and many other corners of the world, it is recommend by this study. In favor of bottom-up cantonization, for example, an ancient Swiss wisdom which would deserve more consideration in a changing world. While burdened by the contradictions of modernity and menaced by recurrent economical and ecological crises, local princely citizenries, demanding sovereignty in their place of dwelling, are probably the main and the best possible challengers to the status quo. Concentrating on their territory and population, they may change their everyday reality, overcoming political corruption, bureaucratic impotence, economical inequality, ecological destruction. It may reveal be easier to scale down, rather than tear down, the pyramids of oppression. Leopold Kohr, Ivan Illich and don Lorenzo Milani's prophecies of justice and peace in geopolitical smallness, may become inspiring visions, in a time of disintegration.

none ; . ; Filologia E Letterature Romanze E Slave ; Il premio letterario Nike e gli scrittori vincitori; Mutamenti storici, politici, economici e culturali nella Polonia postottantanove;Il cabaret letterario "Zielony Balonik"; drammaturgia polacca contemporanea. ; open ; Cincinnato, Tiziana ; Cincinnato, Tiziana

The pedagogy of Giovanni Modugno is the most political of the ones elaborated in Italy in the first half of 900 and it has always been coherent to the basic principles of democracy. However, Modugno was something more. Tireless apostle in education, in his emotional loyalty to youngs, he was one of those rare men whose life is, ina manner of speaking, exceeding compared to how much he entrusted of himself to the printed paper. In front of the " crisis of the contemporary soul " and of the urgent necessity to regenerate the man and re-establish the society, every educational method proposed by Modugno for integral education and in the educator. The " fundamental core" of the future teachers, can be considered an happy synthesis between moral and life, life and moral,between religion and life, life and religion.

What are the motivations, ideas, and expectations of young people regarding the future during the Covid-19 pandemic? This was the central question in the survey we conducted, and which led to various findings. There were those who paint the future in an apocalyptic way, others who see a world of hope, of social and economic reconstruction that will put solidarity, the environment and work at the center. A moral dimension also emerged from the responses of the interviewees, social responsibility towards human values, respect for others, and above all the desire to participate in political choices. The answers also show a good degree of awareness of the current political difficulties and of the current condition of youth in Italy. ; Quali sono le motivazioni, le idee, le aspettative dei giovani riguardo il futuro al tempo della pande-mia? Questa è la domanda che ci siamo posti nella nostra ricerca, che ha condotto alla rilevazione di atteggiamenti molto diversi: da quelli che dipingono il futuro in modo apocalittico, ad altri che intravedono un mondo di speranza, di ricostruzione sociale ed economica che metterà al centro la so-lidarietà, l'ambiente e il lavoro. Dalle risposte degli intervistati emerge anche una dimensione morale, la responsabilità sociale verso i valori umani, il rispetto dell'altro. Accanto a questa anche, e soprat-tutto, la volontà di partecipazione alle scelte politiche. Dalle risposte si evince inoltre un buon grado di consapevolezza verso le attuali difficoltà politiche e soprattutto verso la situazione in cui versano i giovani oggi in Italia.

One of the key words in Pope Francis' Encyclical Fratelli tutti on fraternity and social friendship is "dream." He begins with an invitation: "Let us dream then, as a single human family" (No. 8). He ends with a prayer: "Inspire in us a dream of renewed encounter, dialogue, justice and peace" (No. 287). To dream, for Pope Francis, is to practice hope. His goal in Fratelli tutti is precisely "to take up and discuss many new paths of hope" (No. 54). In celebration of the first anniversary of Fratelli tutti, the Pontifical Gregorian University, in collaboration with Georgetown University, organized a series of conferences from October to December 2021, aimed at disseminating and deepening understanding of the important message of the Encyclical. Speakers from the various Faculties, Institutes, and Centers of the Gregorian University reflect, in this book, on various "paths of hope" presented from the point of view of their respective disciplines.

2009/2010 ; La presente tesi è il frutto di una ricerca qualitativa basata sulla ricerca su campo, l'osservazione partecipante e l'intervista in profondità. Una ricerca svolta nel corso di tre anni tra Senegal e Gambia per cercare di capire quanto un confine imposto da due potenze coloniali, la Francia e l'Inghilterra, abbia potuto creare una divisione effettiva in una regione, quella del Senegambia, che storicamente, etnicamente e culturalmente era in principio unita. Come sono andate costruendosi nel tempo le due differenti identità, quella senegalese e quella gambiana? Ci si può limitare a giustificare tale differenza semplicemente con il diverso modello coloniale imposto o ad alimentarla hanno contribuito anche le differenti forme politiche adottate nei due paesi dopo l'indipendenza? E quanto le due culture urbane maggiormente presenti nei due paesi, quella hip hop e quella rastafari hanno potuto contribuire a differenziare le due identità? Infine, è possibile oggi ipotizzare una futura integrazione tra questi due paesi "fratelli"? Un viaggio tra storia, tradizione, cultura, hip hop e reggae per capire quanto un confine fisico può diventare spesso, anche mentale. ; XXII Ciclo

This is a collection of postcards and letters sent from German and Italian POWs at Defense Depot Ogden during World War II. The correspondence was sent home to family and loved ones and all passed through the United States Censorship office. It also includes one postcard sent from a prison guard home to his friends. ; 14 x 8 in. letter ; 29-2-1944 My Dear Parents, I hope with all my heart that this letter finds all of you my family in excellent condition and good health. At the present time I can assure you that I am well along with the other Italians. I wanted to let you know that a few days ago I received a letter from my brother that was written on the 6th of May 1943. That took a long time, but I was happy to get it just the same. I hope that things are quieter there especially for him, you guys and everybody. We hope to finish soon and return home because I have felt absent for far too long. Anyway dont worry about anything I am doing very well. I think of you all and how you are doing. Hopefully everyone is doing well. Well thats enough, a big kiss to you! -Your son, Vincenzo