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The aim of this paper is to discuss the idea of the past based on Andrei Sakharov's essay titled Progress, Coexistence and Intellectual Freedom edited in 1968. Looking through the Stalinist era in the USSR, Sakharov concludes that without dealing with the Stalinist past, there is no hope of achieving peace, progress and stability in international affairs between the two main Cold War adversaries: USSR and USA. ; The aim of this paper is to discuss the idea of the past based on Andrei Sakharov's essay titled Progress, Coexistence and Intellectual Freedom edited in 1968. Looking through the Stalinist era in the USSR, Sakharov concludes that without dealing with the Stalinist past, there is no hope of achieving peace, progress and stability in international affairs between the two main Cold War adversaries: USSR and USA. ; The aim of this paper is to discuss the idea of the past based on Andrei Sakharov's essay titled Progress, Coexistence and Intellectual Freedom edited in 1968. Looking through the Stalinist era in the USSR, Sakharov concludes that without dealing with the Stalinist past, there is no hope of achieving peace, progress and stability in international affairs between the two main Cold War adversaries: USSR and USA.

The aim of this article is, based on the situation in Poland (according to the borders of 1945), Czechoslovakia (according to the borders of 1938), Austria-Hungary (within the borders from 1867 to 1918 and their immediate successors), i.e. the 19th century parts of Prussia (later Germany), Russia and Austria, to indicate (using selected examples) the method, circumstances, factors of planning the railway network and similarly the circumstances of their implementation. Therefore, an indirect aim will be also to present the differences and similarities between these countries in order to ultimately show the areas of the relationship between railways and modernity. The 'hopes' accompanying these plans and the 'emotions' absolutely present during implementation are also subject to analysis. All applicants for further railway investments expressed hopes of a 'miraculous' impact of the railways on economic and social life (in that order). However, this impact also varied depending on the time when the investment was made. Certainly, the existence of this phenomenon (and the associated danger of overinvestment) was recognised as early as the seventh and eighth decades of the 19th century, and it was pointed out in the analyses of the projects submitted that they would not provide a return of the sums invested. Nevertheless, such projects were not always abandoned. There was no similar consideration in many cases in interwar Poland. After 1918, Czechoslovakia basically pursued only politically-driven projects (as it had faced earlier overinvestment and invested in modern motorisation) – including those aimed at integrating the two parts of the country. Polish decision-makers (and communities), on the other hand, were still at this time largely pinning their hopes on the beneficial impact of the railways on economic development.

Niniejszy artykuł w całości dotyczy teoretycznych wyznaczników zmian systemowych w Unii Europejskiej projektowanych na okres 2014–2019. Autor zdecydował się w nim na naukową identyfikację oraz analizę wybranych pojęć – głównie o charakterze neoidealistycznym – pomocnych w wyjaśnieniu zmian zachodzących w systemie Unii Europejskiej. Istotne dla autora stało się stworzenie koniunktywnego schematu pojęciowego służącego do przygotowania empirycznych antykryzysowych strategii, prognoz i scenariuszy zmian systemowych. Schemat ten jest szczególnie ważny w kontekście kantowskiej metodologicznej architektoniki czystego rozumu. Podstawą jest tu proces poznania rozumowego z uszeregowanych pojęć – układających się w jeden zwarty systemat analityczny. Warto zauważyć, że proces wyróżniania wyznaczników (pojęć) związanych ze zmianą systemową w Unii Europejskiej obywać się musi przy zachowaniu uważności metodologicznej – zarówno tej jakościowej, jak i ilościowej.Z uwagi na powyższe kolejne założenie analityczne dla tego tekstu opiera się na przekonaniu autora, że zmiana mająca charakter przekształcania (regulacji, jak i transformacji) powinna dokonywać się głównie pod wpływem teorii, idei i wizji czy też konkretnych wyznaczników, a nie wciąż zmiennych i reaktywnych działań politycznych aktorów/podmiotów uczestniczących w procesie integracji europejskiej. ; The entire paper is dedicated to the theoretical indicators of systemic change in the European Union, envisaged for the period from 2014–2019. The author decided to perform an academic identification and analysis of selected terms, mainly neo-idealistic terms, that are helpful when explaining the changes taking place in the EU's systems. It was important for the author to design a conjunctive conceptual framework for the purpose of developing empirical anti-crisis strategies, forecasts and scenarios of systemic changes. This framework is particularly important in the context of a Kantian methodological architecture of pure reason. This is based on a process of rational cognisance from ordered concepts, forming a single, coherent analytical system. It should be noted that the process of identifying the indicators (concepts) related to systemic change in the European Union has to take place, while maintaining methodological attentiveness both in qualitative and quantitative terms. Therefore, the author makes another analytical assumption for this paper, on the basis of his conviction that change which occurs as transformation (regulation and reshaping) should primarily take place under the influence of theories, ideas, visions or concrete indicators, rather than the constantly changing and reactive political activities of the actors/entities participating in the European integration process.

Niniejszy artykuł w całości dotyczy teoretycznych wyznaczników zmian systemowych w Unii Europejskiej projektowanych na okres 2014–2019. Autor zdecydował się w nim na naukową identyfikację oraz analizę wybranych pojęć – głównie o charakterze neoidealistycznym – pomocnych w wyjaśnieniu zmian zachodzących w systemie Unii Europejskiej. Istotne dla autora stało się stworzenie koniunktywnego schematu pojęciowego służącego do przygotowania empirycznych antykryzysowych strategii, prognoz i scenariuszy zmian systemowych. Schemat ten jest szczególnie ważny w kontekście kantowskiej metodologicznej architektoniki czystego rozumu. Podstawą jest tu proces poznania rozumowego z uszeregowanych pojęć – układających się w jeden zwarty systemat analityczny. Warto zauważyć, że proces wyróżniania wyznaczników (pojęć) związanych ze zmianą systemową w Unii Europejskiej obywać się musi przy zachowaniu uważności metodologicznej – zarówno tej jakościowej, jak i ilościowej.Z uwagi na powyższe kolejne założenie analityczne dla tego tekstu opiera się na przekonaniu autora, że zmiana mająca charakter przekształcania (regulacji, jak i transformacji) powinna dokonywać się głównie pod wpływem teorii, idei i wizji czy też konkretnych wyznaczników, a nie wciąż zmiennych i reaktywnych działań politycznych aktorów/podmiotów uczestniczących w procesie integracji europejskiej. ; The entire paper is dedicated to the theoretical indicators of systemic change in the European Union, envisaged for the period from 2014–2019. The author decided to perform an academic identification and analysis of selected terms, mainly neo-idealistic terms, that are helpful when explaining the changes taking place in the EU's systems. It was important for the author to design a conjunctive conceptual framework for the purpose of developing empirical anti-crisis strategies, forecasts and scenarios of systemic changes. This framework is particularly important in the context of a Kantian methodological architecture of pure reason. This is based on a process of rational cognisance from ordered concepts, forming a single, coherent analytical system. It should be noted that the process of identifying the indicators (concepts) related to systemic change in the European Union has to take place, while maintaining methodological attentiveness both in qualitative and quantitative terms. Therefore, the author makes another analytical assumption for this paper, on the basis of his conviction that change which occurs as transformation (regulation and reshaping) should primarily take place under the influence of theories, ideas, visions or concrete indicators, rather than the constantly changing and reactive political activities of the actors/entities participating in the European integration process. ; 8 ; 19 ; 32 ; 2 ; Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

Public funds should play important role in rationalization of the social security system as they allow greater control over expenses redistribution and thus over changes in society. However, as the rule of parainsurance is not followed while creating public funds, one cannot hope for public support for fiscal burdens and for diminishing political influence on the tax collection for social expenses and social expenses itself. The lack of public support should not limit possibilities of using public funds to rationalize public finances, particularly social security.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

Mariusz Wielebski, Od orzeczenia o potrzebie kształcenia specjalnego do indywidualnego programu edukacyjno-terapeutycznego [From the decision on special education eligibility to an individual educational and therapeutic plan]. Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej, nr 22, Poznań 2018. Pp. 339-354. Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-391X. DOI: https://doi.org/10.14746/ikps.2018.22.19 In my article I would like to show the complicated way from the decision about special education to individual educational and therapeutic plan. I am going to show how government statements are sometimes hard and complicated for parents, teachers and other specialists, who are looking after the children with special educational needs. I try to show everyday life in my job – teacher, specialist of pedagogical therapy. I hope my article will help and change our reality. ; Mariusz Wielebski, Od orzeczenia o potrzebie kształcenia specjalnego do indywidualnego programu edukacyjno-terapeutycznego [From the decision on special education eligibility to an individual educational and therapeutic plan]. Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej, nr 22, Poznań 2018. Pp. 339-354. Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-391X. DOI: https://doi.org/10.14746/ikps.2018.22.19 In my article I would like to show the complicated way from the decision about special education to individual educational and therapeutic plan. I am going to show how government statements are sometimes hard and complicated for parents, teachers and other specialists, who are looking after the children with special educational needs. I try to show everyday life in my job – teacher, specialist of pedagogical therapy. I hope my article will help and change our reality.

The goal of the article is to undertake a cause and effect analysis of political events and to present the effects of the Treaty of Trianon as factors significantly influencing Hungarian efforts to preserve the integrity of the Holy Crown. Stefan. The analysis of the achievements of historiography leads to the conclusion that finding a way to connect the "lost lands" with the Kingdom was supposed to be an antidote to political, social and economic problems resulting from territorial losses. Opportunities to implement the idea of Greater Hungary until the mid-1930s were seen in federal plans integrating state organisms located along the Danube. It is not possible to implement the plans drawn up, e.g. by Oszkár Jászi, Elmér Hantos, Gusztáv Gratz and Miklós Makáy, as well as the deepening economic difficulties, were to cause that even at the ideological level the Hungarians were to abandon all attempts at a federation. Hopes of crossing out Trianon would find their outlet in alliances with countries striving to revise the treaties concluded after the First World War. The relationship with the Third Reich allowed for a short-term recovery of fragments of Slovakia, Transylvania and Transcarpathian Ruthenia and gave hope for a return to the pre-1914 borders. However, these acquisitions proved to be unsustainable. The conclusion of peace in Paris in 1947 closed the way for the restitution of Greater Hungary. Although nowadays both the concepts of the Danube federation and the postulates of territorial changes have only the value of a historical argument, they do not mean the abandonment of the idea of Nagy-Magyarország. This concept has now only changed its formula in the direction of connecting Hungarians living in neighboring countries with the Motherland.

Artykuł traktuje o obchodach uroczystości świąt narodowych 3 Maja, 15 sierpnia i 11 listopada w warunkach polskiej Drugiej Wielkiej Emigracji. Chronologicznie uwzględniłem lata 1939–1956, od powołania do życia rządu RP we Francji, po wydarzenia w Polsce, które rozbudziły nadzieje Polaków na obczyźnie na demokratyzację kraju. W rozważaniach zwróciłem uwagę przede wszystkim na działalność rządu RP, z jednoczesnym odwołaniem się do niektórych inicjatyw prezydenta oraz partii, stronnictw politycznych i Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. The article deals with the celebration of national days of 3 May, 15 August, and 11 November in the conditions of the second Polish "Great Emigration". The chronological scope of the study covers the years from 1939 to 1956, i.e. from the establishment of the Polish government in France to the events in Poland that awakened hopes of Poles abroad of democratisation of the country. I focus primarily on actions of the Polish government with occasional references to some of the initiatives of the president as well as various associations, political parties and the Polish Armed Forces in the West. ; Artykuł traktuje o obchodach uroczystości świąt narodowych 3 Maja, 15 sierpnia i 11 listopada w warunkach polskiej Drugiej Wielkiej Emigracji. Chronologicznie uwzględniłem lata 1939–1956, od powołania do życia rządu RP we Francji, po wydarzenia w Polsce, które rozbudziły nadzieje Polaków na obczyźnie na demokratyzację kraju. W rozważaniach zwróciłem uwagę przede wszystkim na działalność rządu RP, z jednoczesnym odwołaniem się do niektórych inicjatyw prezydenta oraz partii, stronnictw politycznych i Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. The article deals with the celebration of national days of 3 May, 15 August, and 11 November in the conditions of the second Polish "Great Emigration". The chronological scope of the study covers the years from 1939 to 1956, i.e. from the establishment of the Polish government in France to the events in Poland that awakened hopes of Poles abroad of democratisation of the country. I focus primarily on actions of the Polish government with occasional references to some of the initiatives of the president as well as various associations, political parties and the Polish Armed Forces in the West.

Artykuł traktuje o obchodach uroczystości świąt narodowych 3 Maja, 15 sierpnia i 11 listopada w warunkach polskiej Drugiej Wielkiej Emigracji. Chronologicznie uwzględniłem lata 1939–1956, od powołania do życia rządu RP we Francji, po wydarzenia w Polsce, które rozbudziły nadzieje Polaków na obczyźnie na demokratyzację kraju. W rozważaniach zwróciłem uwagę przede wszystkim na działalność rządu RP, z jednoczesnym odwołaniem się do niektórych inicjatyw prezydenta oraz partii, stronnictw politycznych i Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. The article deals with the celebration of national days of 3 May, 15 August, and 11 November in the conditions of the second Polish "Great Emigration". The chronological scope of the study covers the years from 1939 to 1956, i.e. from the establishment of the Polish government in France to the events in Poland that awakened hopes of Poles abroad of democratisation of the country. I focus primarily on actions of the Polish government with occasional references to some of the initiatives of the president as well as various associations, political parties and the Polish Armed Forces in the West. ; Artykuł traktuje o obchodach uroczystości świąt narodowych 3 Maja, 15 sierpnia i 11 listopada w warunkach polskiej Drugiej Wielkiej Emigracji. Chronologicznie uwzględniłem lata 1939–1956, od powołania do życia rządu RP we Francji, po wydarzenia w Polsce, które rozbudziły nadzieje Polaków na obczyźnie na demokratyzację kraju. W rozważaniach zwróciłem uwagę przede wszystkim na działalność rządu RP, z jednoczesnym odwołaniem się do niektórych inicjatyw prezydenta oraz partii, stronnictw politycznych i Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. The article deals with the celebration of national days of 3 May, 15 August, and 11 November in the conditions of the second Polish "Great Emigration". The chronological scope of the study covers the years from 1939 to 1956, i.e. from the establishment of the Polish government in France to the events in Poland that awakened hopes of Poles abroad of democratisation of the country. I focus primarily on actions of the Polish government with occasional references to some of the initiatives of the president as well as various associations, political parties and the Polish Armed Forces in the West.

"Initiative" of the Polish Worker's Party organization in the Polish Geological Institute in Kraków – echoes of the real socialism era.A b s t r a c t. Two documents were commented in this paper. They were prepared by the Polish Worker's Party organization in the Polish Geological Institute in Kraków, in 1948. There are: "Memorandum on the Polish Geological Institute" and letter to Central Committee of the Polish Worker's Party sent through the Urban Committee of the Polish Worker's Party in Kraków. These documents were found during organizing of the Stanisław Tyski materials and delivered to PGI-NRI Central Geological Archive by Professor Krzysztof Jaworowski. They constitute example of the harmful action on realization of the Institute's tasks and personal policy using brutal political pressure. The party members generally criticized situation in Institute. They also demanded removal of director and other persons from management and replaced them by the party members. Let's hope that such practices will never happen again.

The main aim of the article was the presentation of the tendencies of economic relations development of the European Union with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the conditions of globalisation. The success of the Russian political leaders in their bilateral relations with the European Union show how important, in the mutual is approaching, are the rules and effectiveness of the international system built up in the past sixty years. An objective interest of the transatlantic community is therefore to the west, for safe and prosperous Russia, was idealistic and at the same time realistic. At the same time as it is also important, that Russia and not Africa whether the Middle East, is for Europe force, with the strategic nature. In the long term, to the european economy effectively and permanently follow in globalisation processes and that term was competitive with, Russia and China must first become innovative economy. In terms of prospective it should be emphasised that the best hope for the peaceful development of the international cooperation offers the most important actors contemporary on the world stage. ; The main aim of the article was the presentation of the tendencies of economic relations development of the European Union with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the conditions of globalisation. The success of the Russian political leaders in their bilateral relations with the European Union show how important, in the mutual is approaching, are the rules and effectiveness of the international system built up in the past sixty years. An objective interest of the transatlantic community is therefore to the west, for safe and prosperous Russia, was idealistic and at the same time realistic. At the same time as it is also important, that Russia and not Africa whether the Middle East, is for Europe force, with the strategic nature. In the long term, to the european economy effectively and permanently follow in globalisation processes and that term was competitive with, Russia and China must first become innovative economy. In terms of prospective it should be emphasised that the best hope for the peaceful development of the international cooperation offers the most important actors contemporary on the world stage.

The main aim of the article was the presentation of the tendencies of economic relations development of the European Union with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the conditions of globalisation. The success of the Russian political leaders in their bilateral relations with the European Union show how important, in the mutual is approaching, are the rules and effectiveness of the international system built up in the past sixty years. An objective interest of the transatlantic community is therefore to the west, for safe and prosperous Russia, was idealistic and at the same time realistic. At the same time as it is also important, that Russia and not Africa whether the Middle East, is for Europe force, with the strategic nature. In the long term, to the european economy effectively and permanently follow in globalisation processes and that term was competitive with, Russia and China must first become innovative economy. In terms of prospective it should be emphasised that the best hope for the peaceful development of the international cooperation offers the most important actors contemporary on the world stage. ; The main aim of the article was the presentation of the tendencies of economic relations development of the European Union with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the conditions of globalisation. The success of the Russian political leaders in their bilateral relations with the European Union show how important, in the mutual is approaching, are the rules and effectiveness of the international system built up in the past sixty years. An objective interest of the transatlantic community is therefore to the west, for safe and prosperous Russia, was idealistic and at the same time realistic. At the same time as it is also important, that Russia and not Africa whether the Middle East, is for Europe force, with the strategic nature. In the long term, to the european economy effectively and permanently follow in globalisation processes and that term was competitive with, Russia and China must first become innovative economy. In terms of prospective it should be emphasised that the best hope for the peaceful development of the international cooperation offers the most important actors contemporary on the world stage.

Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Russia has become Germany's main Central European partner. The economic interests and hopes of gigantic contracts to modernize the Russian economy have played a colossal role in German policy. The Government of Chancellor Angela Merkel aspired to shape the Eastern policy of the European Union, and it was highly favorable towards the strategy of Russian modernization to be implemented with the participation of Western partners, as proposed by President Medvedev in 2009. However, this project never went beyond the stage of preliminary agreements, and both sides are increasingly disappointed with its progress. Germany continues to aspire to play the role of the leading EU member state involved in the transformation process in Russia, yet this is no longer treated in terms of the 'Russia first' attitude without any reservations. Germans are becoming increasingly aware that their efforts are doomed to fail without true Russian efforts aimed at the democratization of both their public life and economic structures.