The article examined sin as a deception and the game in the context of the dialectic of sin and hope. Selected philosophical and psychological aspects of the review only correlated to the religious. Based on the modes of "being" and "having" by E. Fromm and "flow" by M. Chiksentmihayi conducted polemics with the postmodern view that for the destruction of the will to power is required the destruction of the subject and its consciousness. Opposes the flow and consumerism, happiness and pleasure, personal development and selfish.
После Первой мировой войны консервативный мэйнстрим был организован в Немецкую национальную народную партию. Она была крайне националистической и анти-либеральной. Больше того, превалировали антисемитские убеждения. Еще более радикальными были участники интеллектуальных кругов «консервативной революции» в 1920-е гг. Они выступали за возрождение кайзеровского рейха и надеялись на могучую Германскую империю, которая возвратит стране всемирное признание. По этой причине подавляющее большинство консерваторов приветствовали «национальную революцию» в1933 г. и надеялись использовать движение национал-социалистов в русле своих убеждений. Когда эта стратегия не сработала, и нацистский режим развязал войну, более того, когда поражение во Второй мировой войне стало очевидным, многие консерваторы ушли из политики; некоторые даже присоединились к Сопротивлению и рискнули своими жизнями. ; After the First World War, the conservative mainstream was organized in the Deutschnationale Volkspartei (German-national people's party). It was extremely nationalistic and anti-liberal. Furthermore, anti-Semitic attitudes were prevalent. Even more radical were members of the intellectual circles of the "Conservative Revolution" In the 1920's. They opposed the recurrence of the Kaiserreich and hoped for a powerful German empire, that would restore the country's worldwide recognition. In this respect, the vast majority of the conservatives appreciated the "national revolution" in 1933, and hoped to instrumentalize the movement of the National Socialists in this spirit. When this did not work out and the Nazi-regime openly planned a war, and even more when the defeat in the Second World War became apparent, many conservatives abandoned politics; a few even joined the resistance and risked their lives.
В статье исследуется реакция немецкой социал-демократии на революционные события в России в феврале 1917 года. На основе широкого спектра первоисточников – в особенности на материалах печатных органов Социал-демократической партии Германии и Независимой социал-демократической партии Германии – в статье показывается, как обе немецкие социал-демократические партии отреагировали на революционные события в России: какие видения, надежды, стратегии и маневры они предпринимали для использования русской революции для своих внутренних, а также дипломатических и интернационалистических целей. ; The article explores the reverberations the Russian Revolution of February 1917 caused among German Social Democratic actors. Based on a wide array of primary sources—especially newspapers of the German Social Democratic Party and its radical offspring, the German Independent Social Democratic Party founded at Easter 1917 – it highlights how both German Social Democratic parties reacted to the revolutionary events in Russia: What kind of visions, hopes, strategies and manoeuvres did they pursue to exploit the Russian Revolution for their domestic as well as their diplomatic and international(ist) aims.
Problems of the choice of a course of life, political, social and cultural self-identification became main both for the certain personality, and for social groups, classes and estates as a result of the Great Russian revolution of 1917. They have found the reflection in personal correspondence and diaries, the subsequent memories of representatives of pre-revolutionary elite of events of the Great Russian revolution and civil war. The analysis of letters of arrested and convicts in the Political Red Cross (1918-1922), and also addresses of political and public figures, representatives of the creative intellectuals to their protectionallows to track changes in policy of the Soviet power in relation to the nobility. During Civil war mass arrests of representatives of the nobility as "hostages" at deterioration of the situation onfronts of civil war have been carried out or after attempts at members of the government. Noblecorrespondence reflected the relation of a considerable part of the former exclusive estate to the new power, to sharp deterioration in material living conditions and change of the social status.The daily occurrence realities described in letters reflection of circumstances of arrest and a course of investigation allow to draw a conclusion that authorities wereafraid of any potential opposition. ; Проблемы выбора жизненного пути, политической, социальной икультурной самоидентификации стала главной как для отдельной личности, так и для социальных групп, классов и сословий в результате Великой Российской революции 1917 года. Они нашли свое отражение в личной переписке и дневниках, последующих воспоминаниях представителей дореволюционной элиты о событиях Великой Российской революции и Гражданской войны. Анализ писем арестованных и осужденных в Политический Красный Крест (19181922 гг.), а также обращений политических и общественных деятелей, представителей творческой интеллигенции в их защиту позволяет проследить изменения в политикесоветской власти по отношению к дворянству. В период Гражданской войны были проведены массовые аресты представителей дворянства в качестве "заложников" при ухудшении положения на фронтах Гражданской войны или после покушений на членов правительства. Дворянская переписка отражала отношение значительной части бывшего привилегированного сословия к новой власти, к резкому ухудшению материальных условий жизни и изменению социального статуса. Реалии повседневности, описанные в письмах, отражение обстоятельств ареста и хода следствия позволяют сделать вывод о том, что представители власти опасалисьлюбой потенциальной оппозиции.
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Relying on security measures alone to counter the al-Shabab insurgency has so far proved ineffective, and any hope of defeating the al-Qaeda affiliate in Somalia and throughout the African Horn is becoming increasingly illusive.
Islamism appears one of the most important phenomena of our times and it greatly affects many global processes. In the Muslim world one can hardly find a country where Islamism would not be an influential and stable political factor. It seems impossible to comprehend modern Muslim (especially Arab) societies without taking into account the role of Islamism as simultaneously an ideology, a cultural environment, and a mode of life and guideline to follow. And if one keeps in mind the increasingly large share of the Muslim population in the world, it appears impossible to ignore their impact in current and future globalization trends. All these make the correlation between globalization and Islamism an urgent issue which is, nevertheless, understudied. In the present article we would like to outline some patterns and landmarks of this mutual interaction. Currently, Islamism is one of the most complicated social phenomena; it is a multi-faceted, changing and heterogeneous movement within whose framework there unfolds an intensive ideological and political struggle. We hope the present article will help the reader to obtain some idea about this important phenomenon of the modern world whose development involves interests of billions of people of all countries, religions and views. At that, we emphasize that it is vital to distinguish between radical and moderate types of Islamism; the latter is promising with respect to becoming a positive and promising wing of political system in Muslim countries. We suppose that it is impossible to eliminate the dangers of radical and terrorist Islamism only by force. One may hope to achieve this goal if to separate it from moderate Islamism while the latter should become more respectable, open and involved in common political life.
International audience ; My book is about the human creativity being a source of progress, and cycling of evolution caused by platitude and triviality of once high-reaching idealism. In essence the book presents an original perception of human history, based on Christian values as vital coordinates system. I hope this book will revive the interest to the Russian school of thoughts and to humanism in general ; Эта книга призвана в большей степени воодушевлять, нежели наставлять, пояснять и советовать. Автором обозначены ключевые моменты теории инволюции идеалов: первая часть посвящена мировоззренческим вопросам, разрешаемым не диалектически, но благодаря т. н. суперации; во второй части – статьи преимущественно о России, и в них суперационная парадигма применяется к некоторым частным проблемам.
What do we mean within the term "new architecture" and its philosophy? Which are the problems the "new architecture" is asked to give answers? The text proposes a philological reconstruction of the paths at the origin and development of the contemporary "new architecture" in the "avant-gardes" of second half of the XX c. There are illustrated its results in modelling the cores and infrastructural nodes of urban landscapes characterizing the global cities; these are produced by common clichés that make any city similar like the others. By considering the political and financial system that creates these "homologated" urban landscapes – that marginalize the role of local dimensions, both political and social – the weaknesses of "new architecture" can be understood. The "hope" for a renovation of a "new architecture" that will avoid the "homologation" of human settlement lays in the possibilities offered in the territories located at the periphery of global city economy: the "countryside of the world". The question is: "Shall we search for a new form of "de-urbanism"?
In the article an attempt is made on the basis of extensive documentary base covering the activities of the provisional government of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in 1812. The Author came to the conclusion about the exclusively pragmatic goals pursued by Napoleon with regard to Lithuania. Against this background, the Commission's Interim government is presented as a selfless act of the Polish-Lithuanian elite, succumbed to the illusory hopes of gaining the independence of Lithuania. However. ; В статье сделана попытка на основе обширной документальной базы осветить деятельность временного правительства великого княжества Литовского в 1812 г. Автор пришел к выводу об исключительно прагматической цели, которую преследовал Наполеон применительно к Литве. На этом фоне деятельность комиссии временного правительства предстает как самоотверженный акт части польско-литовской элиты, поддавшейся иллюзорным надеждам на обретение Литвой независимости.
"V nasheĭ knige net sekretov. Na proti͡azhenii t͡selogo stoletii͡a my byli zhelannymi gosti͡ami v kvartire Muromt͡sevykh v odnom iz starykh moskovskikh domov. V ikh radosti͡akh i poteri͡akh, nadezhdakh i razocharovanii͡akh otrazilasʹ istorii͡a strany. Kak i u li͡uboĭ semʹi ... a pesni po radio, knigi i odezhda v shkafu, skudnai͡a ili obilʹnai͡a eda za semeĭnym stolom -- svideteli poroĭ bolee pravdivye, chem sami li͡udi. Nuzhno tolʹko prislushatʹsi͡a k ikh rasskazam ..." = "In this book, there are no secrets. For over a century we've been welcome in Muromtseva apartment in one of the oldest houses in Moscow. Their joys and losses, hopes and disappointments reflect the history of their country. As with any family ... a song on the radio, books and clothes in the closet, scanty or abundant food for the family table are witnesses sometimes more truthful than the people themselves. One need only listen to the stories ..."--Epilogue (translated in English)
It is impossible to understand modern Islamic (especially Arab) societies without taking into account the influence of Islamism as an ideology, cultural environment, mode of action, and lifestyle. Unfortunately, Islamism in many ways has remained a "phenomenon lurking behind the surface." In this article we will focus on the analysis of some political aspects of modern Islamism, showing how Islamism behaves when in opposition (where it feels more confident) and what happens when Islamists come to power in a legitimate way. We would like to show that Islamism is not something superficial, but the deepest and most comprehensive substance of Islamic societies. Therefore, it is extremely important to distinguish between radical and moderate Islamism, relying on the latter to weaken the former, since moderate Islamism can grow to be a positive and promising part of the political spectrum of Islamic countries. We believe that it is impossible to reduce the danger of radical terrorist Islamism by force alone. We can hope that this will decline if it can be divided by moderate Islamism and make the latter more respectable, open, and involved in normal political life.
The author pay attention on the problem еthic of the sufism in the relative field ethos, when the ethical thought … the man experience the difficultys in the cultural and spiritual attitude, anexample for his the gods, to spend the time in the intence reconnaissance raid of the meaning life and further life program. Trying to save his individuality, the man long the best shape, but no strugle with the realism, for touch the ethical sufism. The different cultures and the different traditions, inherent to the peoples of the Russia, compile the unity carpet of the unitycultur field of the ethoc. Showing influence jn the each concrete man, the ethos how the general ways and manners of the mankind – has the right to give for him the suchas field of the activities, the such as possibility for the interaction with another culturs, which can to fortify in him the belief the hope on the further perspective of the life, in which no was sinking performance and more concrete useful and construction actions, so need the further time. The unity of the culture must to bring to the allworld, global prossec: from integration – to the trancformation of the social structures.
The article examines the foreign policy and economic strategy of the United Kingdom in the Asian direction after the country's exit from the European Union. As part of its vision to transform the United Kingdom into a global power, London is committed to fully developing relations with the rapidly growing Asia-Pacific region. The UK intends to make up for the economic damage from the loss of markets in Europe by developing relations with the countries of the region, both bilaterally and multilaterally. The British government particularly hopes to enter the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership Восточная Азия: факты и аналитика 2021, 3 East Asia: Facts and Analytics 2021, 3 7 (CPTPP). One of the important directions of the new strategy is the development of trade and economic relations with the ASEAN member states. The strengthening of the UK's relations with Japan allows us to talk about the creation of a quasi-alliance between Tokyo and London. However, the UK's economic and security aspirations in the Asia-Pacific region are often motivated by the need to contain the increasing ambitions of China.
In Russia, the very idea of a Communist revolution – from 1905 onwards – meant both hope and dread. This attitude is quite clearly shown in a very significant part of the Russian literary process, from 1908 to the beginning of the Stalin era. An obvious thread, in fact, connects Aleksandr Bogdanov (Red Star, 1908), Evgeny Zamyatin (We, 1921) and Vladimir Mayakovsky (The Bedbug, 1929): the growing awareness that the Communist revolution, as Lenin had conceived it, was little more than a model and that a model could not describe – much less forecast – a complex reality (a complex system) like a social and political one. As a result of this awareness, hope and a dark prophecy (Bogdanov) slowly turn into despair (Mayakovsky). The model is subsumed by Vladimir Mayakovsky's dystopian satire of The Bedbug and The Bathhouse which propose a new paradigm of dystopia: a bottleneck in the flow of the information produced by blind adherence to a preconceived project that prevents the discovery and the implementation of la volonté générale in so complex a system as human society. ; Для периода господства революционных идей в России начала XX в. были характерны противоречивые настроения надежды и страха. Это ярко проявлялось и во многих произведениях русской литературы, начиная с 1908 г. и вплоть до сталинской эпохи. Такие представления были связующей нитью для творчества Александра Богданова (Красная Звезда, 1908), Евгения Замятина (Мы, 1921) и Владимира Маяковского (Клоп, 1929): по их изменениям можно проследить то, как в сознании людей росло убеждение, что коммунистическая революция – всего лишь абстрактная модель. А модель не может описать и, тем более, предсказать сложную реальность, включающую в себя социальную и политическую системы. Из осознания этого факта, по мнению автора, и происходит мрачное пророчество А. Богданова (соединенное с надеждой), которое затем перерастает в отчаяние у В. Маяковского. Эта модель представлена в сатире Маяковского – в «Клопе» и «Бане», в которых возникает новая парадигма антиутопии: информационная ограниченность, вызванная слепым следованием заранее заданному замыслу, препятствует открытию и внедрению volonté générale (всеобщей воли как результата ограничения людьми своих прав) в такой сложной системе как человеческое общество.
Modern socio-political and economic conditions create an urban environment characterized by high professional dynamism, political instability and unpredictable future. This factor generates uncertainty among young people in the desired future and the hope for a possible random success. At the same time, the desired future is associated with employment, which would provide a person with a decent life. Of course, the idea of a decent life changes with time. But in the most General sense it is a prestigious profession, material security, a sense of self-importance and comfort. For the development of the urban environment is certainly important not only the presence of high dynamics of professional activity, but also the presence of a strategy of professional development of young people, the projected professional development and forecasting of professional activity. ; Авторы статьи рассматривают проблему профессионального становления в ракурсе транспективы. В зависимости от изменения социально-экономических условий профессионального развития, смены ведущей деятельности авторы определяют и характеризуют несколько стадий становления, которые соотносятся с возрастными особенностями человека: стадия аморфной оптации, стадия профессиональной подготовки, стадия профессиональной адаптации, стадия первичной профессионализации, второй уровень профессионализации, акмепрофессионализм.