Suchergebnisse

Apart from the former EFTA members (Iceland, Lichtenstein, Norway and Switzerland) and afew former republics of the Soviet Union (Bjelorussia, Moldova and Ukraina) the countries ofthe Western Balkans are the only European states outside of the European Union. They are verykeen to join the Union. The Balkans have always been the poorest part of Europe. The appeal ofthe wealthy European Union is apparent. Access to the largest market in the world, investment,modern technologies and generous regional funds give a hope that by joining the EU the WesternBalkans countries will join the rich club. At the moment performance of the Western Balkancountries does not guarantee that they will become rich by joining the European Union. Theircurrent production and trade structure makes it likely that the Western Balkan countries will belocked in inter-industry trade in which they will export products of low and medium technologicaland developmental level and import products of high technological and developmental level. Thismight lead to divergence rather than convergence between them and the European Union. Inother to overcome this problem the Western Balkan countries need to conduct radical reformsin the public sector, fiscal policy, industrial trade and investment policy. They also need to tacklecorruption, simplify administrative procedure, strenghten property rights and the lawful state. Allthis with the aim to change economic structure and shift from achievements of the second andthird to fourth technological revolution. Only if these reforms are successfuly implemented theWestern Balkan countries can hope to avoid the Greek scenario and possibly experience the Irishscenario.

The author presents the literature on the problem of history of ISC published between 1991 and 1995. With the fall of ideological barriers and bans in 1990 and opening the opportunity of free researches on the history of ISC, Croatian general and scientific public manifested an extremely great interest in this topic, which reflected ina large number of published works, associated, entirely or partly, with the period of ISC. Unfortunately, partly due also to the lack of systematic scientific researches of that period, only a part of the cited works can be included into the group of scientific works (in fact, some of them are prints of the works published in emigration). Most of the titles the author deals with in the present paper are characterized by a popular-journalistic approach to the theme. However, here too one can find interesting information and observations. Finally, mention should be made of a group of works with characteristics of memoires. In the end, looking at this period as a whole, one could hardly give a completely satisfactory evaluation of all the literature so far. Yet, it should be noticed that recently (in 1995) quite a number of works on the Independent State of Croatia was published, which by their quality and extensiveness almost exceeded most of the titles published before this five-year period. Taking this fact and also increased interest in systematic scientific investigations of the problems of ISC into account, we can only hope that the future will bring much high-grade contributions on this subject. (SOI : CSP: S. 215)

Kako osmisliti i operativno organizovati sećanja levice u delatnom, a ne u muzejskom pravcu? Šta znači otvoreno se suočiti sa kulturom poraza levice? Razmotrene su dimenzije poraza levice, priroda linearnog i kontingentnog vremena, različita proživljavanja poraza kod fašizma i liberalizma i dijalektika nade i razočarenja. Ukazano je da treba odbaciti jezik psihoanalize (čežnja, nostalgija, žalost, melanholija) i teleološku viziju neoliberalnog pobednika, pa levicu i desnicu shvatiti u novim dimenzijama vremena, unutar novog odnosa Kairosa i Hronosa u digitalnom dobu. Treba se samorefleksivno osvrnuti na greške levice, a naročito na greške iz kojih se može učiti. Treba teorijski probuditi ambiciju. Višeslojnom sećanju levice škodi dominacija jedne vrste sećanja, potrebna je samokontrola i ravnoteža pamćenja nestale socijalne države i vlastitog nasilja. ; How could we rethink and organize memories of the Left in an operational and active way? How could one openly confront the Left-Wing culture of defeat? The paper considers some dimensions of the Left-Wing defeat after 1989, the nature of the linear and the contingent time, various defeat experiences of fascism and liberalism and the dialectic of hope and disappointment. One should reject the language of psychoanalysis (longing, nostalgia, sorrow, melancholy) and the teleological vision of the neoliberal winner. The Left Wing and Right Wing should be understood in new dimensions of time within a new relationship between Cairos and Chronos in the digital age. The Left needs self-reflective review of its own mistakes, if it wants to learn lessons for the future. Theory can awake practical ambition. A desirable multilayered Left-Wing memory has been damaged by dominance of one type of memory. The Left needs self-control and a balanced memory of both badly missing socialist welfare state and its own violence.

In this paper, we tried to analyze the consequences of the transitional process in the societies of the South-West Balkan, primarily on the example of Serbia. The indicators that we have found by the research clearly speak in favor of the fact that the transition is the cause of peripheralization of these societies. Citizens who entered the transitional processes with hope - imagining them as the accomplishment of the best European values - soon were convinced that the transition is only another manner to place these countries in the position to be exploited by multinational capital and developed, 'old' member of the EU, as well as to serve for squaring accounts in geopolitical games of the creators of the 'new world order'. In the case of the countries of the Western Balkan, the transition had the characteristic that, among other things, it was performed in conditions of political violence: destruction of the joint state of Yugoslavia, civil and religious war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, aggression of NATO to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, destabilization of Serbia through the attempt of Kosovo secession, etc., therefore, in the conditions that were extremely antihistorical. While the Europe was uniting, the Balkan was disintegrating. At least two out of the three 'ideas that conquered the world' (Mandelbaum) have been violated: the peace and the democracy. Free market in the conditions when there was no peace and regarding democratically insufficiently consolidated societies could not bring their progress, but on the contrary, as we established, only regression. That is the reason why the destroyed and collided South-Balkan societies, contrary to the European vow of their political elites, are today de facto much further from the European aspirations than they were quarter of the century ago. With their policy, the countries of the West have contributed to De- Europeanization of the South-West Balkan and strengthening of the Euroscepticism with citizens of those countries that still have not joined the EU, like Serbia. In fact, the citizens of Serbia can hardly recognize in the policy of the EU those values that have been usually considered European and which we mentioned at the beginning of this paper.