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AbstractDetailed combat simulations can produce effectiveness tables which measure the effectiveness of each weapon class on one side of an engagement, battle, or campaign to each weapon class on the other. Effectiveness tables may also be constructed in other waysThis paper assumes that effectiveness tables are given and shows how to construct from them a system of weapon weights each of which is a weighted average of the effects of a given weapon against each of the enemy's weapons. These weights utilize the Perron‐ Frobenius theory of eigenvectors of nonnegative matrices. Methods of calculation are discussed and some interpretations are given for both the irreducible and reducible cases.

BUKHARIN'S EXPOSITION OF MARX'S IDEAS HAS INADVERTENTLY SUBVERTED THE BASIC METHODOLOGY OF DIALECTICAL MATERIALISM & SUBSTITUTED A REIFIED MECHANISM THAT RESEMBLES SYSTEMS ANALYSIS. THE ESSENCE OF BUKHARIN'S GENERAL THEORY OF EQUILIBRIUM WAS EXPLICITLY DRAWN FROM THE LAWS OF THERMODYNAMICS IN HIS ATTEMPT TO BE UNIVERSAL & FREE FROM IDEALISM. BUKHARIN DEFINES A SYSTEM IN A STATE OF EQUILIBRIUM AS ONE THAT CANNOT EMERGE FROM THIS STATE UNLESS OUTSIDE FORCES SUPPLY THE ENERGY. MOVEMENT & HISTORY ARE THE RESULT OF CONFLICT, & CONFLICT REPRESENTS A DISTURBANCE OF EQUILIBRIUM. EQUILIBRIUM MAY BE IN FLUX--ESTABLISHED, DESTROYED, RESTORED ON A NEW BASIS. VARIOUS FORCES THAT EXIST IN OPPOSITION TO EACH OTHER ARE BALANCED FOR A MOMENT IN EXCEPTIONAL CASES, PRODUCING A STATE OF TEMPORARY REST & THE SUPPRESSION OF CONFLICT. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SOCIETY & NATURE CAN BE ONE OF STABLE EQUILIBRIUM (IDEAL), UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM WITH POSITIVE INDICATION (GROWTH), OR UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM WITH NEGATIVE INDICATION (DECLINE). THE INTERNAL CONTRADICTIONS (BETWEEN CLASSES, BETWEEN IDEALS) GROW OUT OF THE STRUCTURAL CONTRADICTIONS BUT ARE NOT THE DECISIVE FORCES THAT DESTROY SOCIETY; THE EXTERNAL EQUILIBRIUM BETWEEN THE SOCIETY & THE ENVIRONMENT (TECHNOLOGY) IS THE CRUCIAL BALANCE. BUKHARIN'S SOCIAL DETERMINISM SEPARATES HUMAN RESPONSIBILITY FROM HISTORICAL ACTION & REMOVES THE ELEMENT OF FREEDOM FROM NECESSITY. SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IS VIEWED AS A MERE REFLEX OF TECHNICAL DEVELOPMENT, & HUMANITY APPEARS MORE OF AN OBSTACLE TO PRODUCTION THAN ITS ULTIMATE SUBJECT OR PURPOSE. MARX'S FAITH IN SOCIETY IS TRANSFORMED BY BUKHARIN INTO A FAITH IN SOCIAL ENGINEERING. A. KARMEN.

Frontmatter -- Preface -- Contents -- Introduction -- Part One. Quality Variability and Existing Economic Theory -- I. The Inadequacy of the Present Competitive Ideal -- II. The Incompleteness of Price Theory -- III. Foundations for a Theory of Quality -- Part Two. The Theory of Choice Of Quality -- IV. Basic And Derived Wants -- V. Some Needed Assumptions -- VI. Consumers' and Producers' Behavior -- VII. Some Distinctions Made Possible by the Theory -- Part Three. The Quality Variable and Competition -- VIII. The Nature of Economic Competition -- IX. Price and Nonprice Aspects of Competition -- X. Quality Competition -- XI. Equilibrium under Pure Quality Competition -- XII. Quality and Price Competition Combined -- XIII. Incomplete Competition -- XIV. Some Conclusions are Drawn -- Bibliography -- Index

A nonrepressive standpoint toward the natural habitat is crucially needed to reverse the developing trend toward ecological problems. The old reality of abundance is rapidly being supplanted by a new reality of scarcity, & critical theory must be revised to meet exigencies created by this change in the ecological sphere. The theories of J. Habermas which encompass empirico-analytic sciences in their relation to technical human interest in control are criticized with reference to ecological imperatives. Habermas' conviction of the necessity to control nature is questioned in that man & nature actually exist as one; the unity does not lend itself to a controller/controlled dichotomy. Ecological science must not be viewed as a manipulative force designed to dominate; a more holistic view must be adopted in which the nature/human relationship is honored. The natural sciences & techniques of advanced societies must be ecologically formulated. Ideals of freedom, liberation, & autonomy prove amenable to an ecological frame of reference: "social & natural emancipation codetermine each other"; however, the choice between domination & emancipation must be made by nature as well as by man. C. Grindle.

"This book is an interdisciplinary analysis of big organizations and their influence upon the individuals who work in them. Conceptually, the analysis operates at three distinct but interrelated levels: society as a whole; the big, rational organization; and the individual. Organizations are defined as "miniature societies" in which the dominant values of society are inculcated and sought in a more structured, spatially restricted context. A major object is to show how individuals work out an accommodation in this milieu, and to develop a theory of organizational behavior that posits three ideal types of accommodation to big organizations: "upward-mobiles," "indifferents," and "ambivalents""--Preface. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).

The widespread revival of natural law theories among jurists of the Continent & of the US should be a matter of interest to pol sci'ts & sociol'ts. A distinction is drawn between the 'ideal' natural law of the 18th cent, which purported by the use of reason to lay down a detailed universal code of laws for all time, & the revived classical natural law which sought for broad principles derived from experience of reality. The argument that broad principles of natural law are futile, because they provide no guide for the solution of particular problems, is met by showing that positive law, which operates effectively, has also to apply broad principles to concrete situations, an application which calls for discretion & not mere logical subsumption. Jurists, recognizing that natural law should be based on experience, also seek for a sociol of law. The empirical study of 'legal behavior has already made progress: its ultimate task is the description of the operation both of 'power' & of the 'sentiment of justice'.' (AA-IPSA).

SummaryTowards the Inter‐Disciplinary Integration of Economic Theory and Rural SociologyIntroduction: Rural sociology is, to a large extent, economic sociology. Need for integration of economic theory and rural sociology.Section 1: The nature of economics, the assumptions underlying economic generalizations. 'Economic man' an ideal type.Section 2: Rural sociology, for as far as it is economic sociology, also accepts 'economic man' as an ideal type and studies the institutionalization of economic man, while economics starts from his being there.Section 3 gives a conceptual scheme of the institutionalization of 'economic man' and thus provides a link between economic theory and rural sociology.Conclusion: Economics is concerned with the order of civilization (in the sense of McIver and Page, 1950), rural sociology with cultural conditions necessary for development and spread of civilization. Some of these conditions. Rural sociological research has neglected several of them, which have special relevance for the economic development of peasant economics.

The common observation that stable feelings & beliefs when referring to the same object tend toward congruence, is the basis of a structural theory of att's. It accepts att's as consisting of cognitive as well as effective components which are structural in that they are constellations of functionally related component events. An attitude is considered stable when the cognitive & affective components are mutually consistent. The individual's tolerance-of-inconsistency limit is crucial for attitude change (AC), since when it is exceeded, attitude reorg will occur until either: (a) the communications engendering inconsistency are rejected; (b) the attitude is fragmented & isolated from inconsistent components; or (c) a new attitude consistent with the original communication is developed. 'The production of inconsistency between affective & cognitive portions of an att will culminate in a general attitude reorg when (1) the inconsistency exceeds the individual's present tolerance limit & (2) the force producing it cannot be ignored or avoided. Res using hypnotic suggestion to induce change in att'nal affect is discussed re the prediction that if beliefs about an object change then affect will show a corresponding change, & its converse. Limitations of the present theory pertain to (a) the uncommon nature of the AC sequence in the affect-manipulation exp's, (b) the charge that reduction of all forms of AC to 2 structural sequences produces an ideal typology; (c) the omission of certain variables usually assumed to be important in AC processes; & (d) evidence which appears to contradict the conceptualization of a consistent structure of affective & cognitive components. It is argued that this conceptualization leads to increasing validity of attitude measurement by suggesting workable procedures to guard against pseudo-att's & a basis for making finer descriminations in the extent of extreme att's. Identification of components of cognitive belief will increase action-prediction power of attitude measurement, improve AC procedures & provide a basis for decreasing the propagandist's guilt feelings by providing a framework for analysis of his own values & their heirarchies. C. M. Coughenour.

Max Weber has often been criticized for advocating a wertfrei, ethically neutral approach in the social sciences and for thereby denying to man, in the words of Leo Strauss, "any science, empirical or rational, any knowledge, scientific or philosophic, of the true value system." On the other hand, Carl Friedrich points out that Weber's "ideal-type analysis led him to introduce value judgments into his discussion of such issues as bureaucracy." There is some justification for both these criticisms. Indeed, a characteristic of Weber's work is that it can be and has been subjected to opposite criticisms, not only in this respect but also in others. Historians object to his disregard for the specific historical conditions under which the social phenomena he analyzes have taken place, which sometimes leads him to combine historical events that occurred centuries apart into a conception of a social system. Sociologists, in contrast, accuse him of being preoccupied with interpreting unique historical constellations, such as Western capitalism, instead of studying recurrent social phenomena which make it possible to develop testable generalizations about social structures. His methodology is attacked as being neo-Kantian, but his concept of Verstehen is decried as implying an intuitionist method. While his theories are most frequently cited in contradistinction to those of Marx, they have also been described as basically similar to Marx's.