Suchergebnisse

SUMMARY The aim of South African industrial decentralisation policy is to facilitate racial segregation by increasing the proportion of Africans resident in the 'homelands'. Policy implementation is based on the concept of growth centres. There are theoretical deficiences in this concept, the most useful idea being that of an industrial complex of high‐linkage industries at a key location. This suggests that South Africa should have only two or three growth points. Instead, there is a multiplicity of growth points both in the 'core' and in the 'homelands'. Since the theoretical foundations for such a dispersal of industry are weak, it is not surprising that the programme has yielded poor results. It is unlikely to reduce the flow of 'homeland' labour to the core or to play a major role in 'homeland' employment creation.RÉSUMÉ Décentralisation industrielle : Idéal, théorie et réalitéLe but de la politique de décentralisation industrielle en Afrique du Sud est de faciliter la ségrégation raciale en augmentant la proportion d'Africains résidant dans les 'homelands'. La mise en place de cette politique est basée sur le concept des centres de développement. Ce concept n'est pas sans faiblesses théoriques; l'idée la plus utile est celle d'un complexe industriel d'industries étroitment apparentées implanté à un emplacement clé. Ceci suggère que l'Afrique du Sud ne devrait avoir que deux ou trois points de développement. Au lieu de cela, il y a une multiplicité de points de développement, tant dans le 'core' que dans les 'homelands'. Etant donné que les fondements théoriques d'un tel dispersement de l'industrie sont faibles, il n'est pas surprenant que le programme ait produit de si mauvais résultats. ll est peu probable qu'il puisse réduire l'afflux de main‐d'oeuvre des 'homelands' vers le 'core' ou qu'il puisse jouer un rôle important dans la création d'emplois dans les 'homelands'.RESUMEN Descentralización industrial : ideal, teoría y realidadEl propósito de la política de descentralización industrial de Sudéfrica consiste en facilitar la segregación aumentando la proporción de residentes africanos en los 'territorios nacionales'. La ejecución de la política se basa en el concepto de los centras de crecimiento. Hay deficiencias teóricas en este concepto, siendo la idea más útil la de un complejo industrial de industries muy vinculadas en una situación clave. Esto sugiere que Sudáfrica debiera tener solamente dos o tres puntos de crecimiento. En su lugar hay múltiples puntos de crecimiento, tanto en el 'núcleo' como en los 'territorios nacionales'. Como los cimientos teóricos para dicha dispersión industrial son débiles, no sorprende que el programa haya conseguido escasos resultados. Es improbable que reduzca el flujo de mano de obra de los 'territorios nacionales' hacia el núcleo ó para desempeñar una función importante en la creación de empleo en los 'territorios nacionales'.

Abstract
Contemporary economic theory is generally regarded as a scientific or at least potentially so. The replacing of the cardinal theory of utility measurement by the ordinal theory was supposed to prepare the groundwork for economics as a genuine science. But in adopting the ordinal approach, theorists saw fit to anchor ordinal theory to axioms of choice founded on principles of rational behavior. Behavior according to these axioms was embodied in the ideal type model of rational economic man. This model served the basis for scientific explanation of the choices made by actual economic agents. I argue though that the postulate of rationality is a normative principle and that this compromises the scientific pretensions of economic theory. Yet the theorist must rely on this principle to formulate predictive and explanatory theories. This raises questions as to whether it is possible that economic theory satisfy the same kind of scientific criteria set down for research in the natural sciences.

LIBERAL POLITICAL THEORY IS DIVIDED BETWEEN A FORMALISTIC APPROACH THAT IS PHILOSOPHICALLY SECURE BUT REMOTE FROM THE PROBLEMS OF POLITICAL LIFE AND AN EMPIRICAL APPROACH GROUNDED IN PRACTICAL CONCERNS BUT MORALLY RUDDERLESS. THIS ARTICLE ARGUES THAT LIBERALISM'S CONTINUING STRENGTH REQUIRES THAT THESE PERSPECTIVES BE BRIDGED. WHAT IS NEEDED, THE AUTHOR CONTENDS, IS A FORM OF LIBERAL ARGUMENTATION THAT IS AT ONCE PHILOSOPHICALLY SECURE AND POLITICALLY RELEVANT, AND HE OFFERS A WAY IN WHICH THIS MIGHT BE ACCOMPLISHED.

Examines the idea of community as a discursive theme in Anglo-American legal theory. Focusing on the main debates within liberal-communitarian thinking, a psychoanalytic & feminist approach is used to explore the meaning of community & the connections between different appeals to the idea of community. A psychoanalytic view has at its core a split that allows for the Other & the self; its appeals to community therefore speak to a unity & connection, but cannot escape exclusion & opposition. A feminist reading also suggests the essential conservatism of communitarian thought in its failure to understand the power relationships within & between communities. Given the inescapable complexity & contradictory nature of discourses regarding the concept of community, particulary the exclusions inherent in the construction of "we," a reconceptualization is necessary. A broader dialogue between critical legal theories & sociolegal studies would help to rethink legal institutions in light of the problem of community. Cautions about the use & appeal to community are issued to those interested in radical politics, & the injection of the sociolegal into the reconceptualization of the legal is advocated. 141 References. J. Cowie

THIS PAPER ATTEMPT TO QUALIFY THE COMMONLY HELD VIEWS CONCERNING THE IDEAL STATE'S AUTHORITARIANISM, ARGUES THAT THERE IS A FEATURE OF THE STATE, WHICH HAS RECEIVED LITTLE NOTICE AND WHICH, IF DULY RECOGNIZED, MUST CAUSE THESE VIEWS TO BE MODERATED. THE ARGUMENT HERE IS CARRIED ON IN THREE ADDITIONAL SECTIONS. SECTION II, EXAMINES A KEY CONCEPT OF THE SOCRATIC THOUGHT OF PLATO'S EARLY DIALOGUES, WHICH I CALL 'PROVISIONALITY'.15 SECTION III IS GIVEN OVER TO TRACING THIS CONCEPT IN THE REPUBLIC, AND THEN IN SECTION IV CERTAIN PROBLEMS ARE DEALT WITH AND OBJECTIONS MET, IN DEFENCE OF THE VIEW THAT PROVISIONALITY IS A SIGNIFICANT FEATURE OF THE POLITICAL THEORY PRESENTED IN THE REPUBLIC.