Leonardo Bruni (1370-1444), chancellor and historian, is the author of one of the main praises of the city of Florence of this period. In writing to Laudatio florentinae urbis (1403-1404), the humanist describes Florence and its government as a well-ordered, beautiful, wholesome, free and participatory city. The paper analyzes this text not only as a rhetorical piece, but highlights the republican ideals of freedom, self-government and citizenship. From an institutional point of view, Laudatio offers the foundations of mixed government, which would become a central aspect of Renaissance republicanism. From the ancients, Bruni removes the idea of the division of powers from the classic triad monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, with the separation of functions in each of these pure forms. Bruni points out that both aspects of antiquity can be found in the Florentine institutions of his time, in such a way that he observes in the historical fact the realization of an ancient political theory, complementing, therefore, the idealization of the city.
Jürgen Habermas is a modern thinker who presents us with a rationality capable of creating spaces of freedom that correspond to the ideals of social emancipation that have always crossed the horizon of Western modernity. Through several studies by this author, including critical contributions to his theory, we will develop his epistemological reflection and his relevant contribution to the renewal of German critical theory. We will begin by presenting his critique on positivism, and then summoning the dispute with Gadamer about hermeneutics. Habermas adopts hermeneutics, albeit with some criticism, as a facilitator of self-reflection that allows revealing to social sciences the errors of both objectivist social science and vulgar analysis of language. We will follow this thinker's perspective on the interests that guide knowledge and, finally, we will take into account his theory of communicative rationality, which stresses Habermas's universalist optimism, based on a healthy pluralism that allows human consensus.
Este presente artigo objetiva analisar a concepção de justiça nos termos do liberalismo igualitário concebido pelo filósofo inglês John Rawls (1921-2002) com a cidadania brasileira, identificando nesta uma estrutura procedimental não regular, que não obedece a ordem lexical de conquistas de direitos universais inspirados nos ideais liberais, principalmente por se tratar de um país que muito tardiamente abriu mão de uma economia escravocrata. Partindo deste fato, apresentamos duas situações de atuação política que atribuímos como parte do contexto dos problemas sociais no país e o exercício da cidadania: destacamos o movimento LGBT, uma população que demanda por reconhecimento e direitos sociais. Em seguida, chamamos a atenção para a tendência da renovação política, a partir da formação das organizações suprapartidárias nos últimos anos, com a intenção de oxigenar a atividade política, em um momento político no qual as instituições públicas perdem progressivamente a credibilidade e a confiança da população. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la concepción de la justicia en términos de liberalismo igualitario concebido por el filósofo inglés John Rawls (1921-2002) con la ciudadanía brasileña, identificando en esto una estructura procesal no regular que no obedece el orden léxico de los logros de los derechos universales inspirado en los ideales liberales, principalmente porque es un país que muy tarde consoló una economía esclava. Partiendo de este hecho, presentamos dos situaciones de acción política que atribuimos como parte del contexto de los problemas sociales en el país y el ejercicio de la ciudadanía: destacamos el movimiento LGBT, una población que exige reconocimiento y derechos sociales. A continuación, llamamos la atención sobre la tendencia de la renovación política, desde la formación de organizaciones suprapartidistas en los últimos años, con la intención de oxigenar la actividad política, en un momento político en el que las instituciones públicas pierden credibilidad y confianza de la población. ; This article aims to analyze the concept of justice in terms of egalitarian liberalism conceived by the english philosopher John Rawls (1921-2002) with brazilian citizenship, identifying in it a non-regular procedural structure that does not obey the lexical order of conquests of universal rights inspired by liberal ideals, mainly because it is a country that very late gave up a slave-like economy. Based on this fact, we present two situations of political action that we attribute as part of the context of social problems in the country and the exercise of citizenship: we highlight the LGBT movement, a population that demands recognition and social rights. Next, we call attention to the trend of political renewal, based on the formation of supra-partisan organizations in recent years, with the intention of oxygenating political activity in a political moment in which public institutions progressively lose credibility and trust of the population.
In consideration of the postures of Kuhn and his critics, we will turn our attention to reflect on the possibility of a normal science (in the kuhnian sense). The motivating question for the central problem of this text will be: Is there really a normal science in the sense proposed by Kuhn? We aim to offer an answer that will partially agree with the Kuhnian ideal of normal science.
In this article, which has the opportunity to be included in the centennial celebration of the publication of Democracy and Education , we intend to reflect on the foundations of three core notions present throughout John Dewey's work, especially in the aforementioned publication. We refer to the notions of democracy, intelligence and education, which seem to be in a structural relationship. The title of John Dewey's original work does not include the term intelligence. However, it seems crucial to anchor the theory of education, based on a democratic conception, to this structural idea and include it in the author's theory. Indeed, according to Dewey's philosophy, education is represented as a test to the validity of the ideal of a democratic society and takes on the responsibility of creating the conditions for the implementation of such society. In Dewey's conception democracy is much more than just a form of government. It is the opportunity for a complete fulfillment of human potential. In this context, only an ability such as intelligence can be used to act upon an always evolving and uncertain world with a tendency for constant improvement. To this end, the conception of intelligence that allows us to fulfill such ideal must therefore be clarified. ; Neste artigo, que aproveita a oportunidade de se incluir numa celebração dos cem anos da publicação de Democracy and Education, pretendemos fazer uma reflexão sobre os fundamentos de três noções nucleares e transversais a toda a obra de John Dewey, em especial a referida acima. Reportamo-nos às noções de d emocracia, inteligência e educação, numa relação que nos parece estrutural. O título da obra original de John Dewey não inclui o termo inteligência. No entanto, parece-nos decisivo fazer ancorar a teoria da educação, que se explana no âmbito de uma concepção democrática, nessa ideia estrutural na teoria do autor. Com efeito, na filosofia de Dewey, a educação assume o papel de teste da validade do ideal de uma sociedade democrática e é sobre ela que recai a responsabilidade de criar as condições para a implementação desta sociedade. Na concepção de Dewey a democracia é bem mais do que uma forma de governo. É a oportunidade de realização plena das potencialidades maiores da natureza humana. Nesse contexto, só uma capacidade como a inteligência pode servir para agir num mundo contingente, em evolução permanente e com a vocação de uma melhoria constante. Mas, para isso, torna-se necessário clarificar a concepção de inteligência que permite realizar esse ideal.
Recognition is a normative concept. By recognizing someone as having certain characteristics or capabilities, we recognize their normative status and we are taking responsibility for treating them in a certain way. Non-recognition, in this case, can mean deprivation of rights and marginalization; in a democracy may preclude individuals or groups from enjoying the democratic egalitarian ideal, for example. Over the past three decades, reflection on this category has deepened and taken on greater importance in the debate between liberalism and communitarianism parallel to the demands, sometimes for the achievements, of groups and minorities (LGBTQIA, people with special needs, feminist, indigenous, ethnic, etc.) who feel unrecognized and engage in political movements through struggles for recognition. We will return here to the development of Axel Honneth's concept of "ethical life" in 'Struggle for Recognition' (1992), a fundamental work for reflection on the theme. The author places his theory in the middle between Kantian morality and communitarian ethics: his conception is formal for he understands that universal norms are conditions of some possibilities, but they are substantive for they are guided by the end of human self-realization.
The contemporary debate in the theory of international relations is marked by two perspectives: on the one hand the perspective of political realism that conceives of peace as an inaccessible ideal and war as a necessary means for the acquisition and maintenance of power; and on the other hand the perspective of normativism or idealism that thinks the end (telos) of international relations beyond the conflicts of interest and the struggle for power. The first perspective deals with international relations at the level of being (of what is), the second at the level of ought (normative level). In view of this scenario, our idea in this article is to approach the problem of war and peace from an interdisciplinary study through contributions from Kant's Public International Law and Philosophy. In a first moment we will analyze the paradox of the war, then the role of the Public International Law for the problematic of the peace, and finally the contributions of Kant for the normative redefinition of the international right from his republican project of the league of peace (foedus pacificum).
The objective of this article is to discuss the ideological nature of Jürgen Habermas' theoretical framework regarding his concept of public sphere within his deliberative democratic theory and its assimilation by social management in the field of administration. The study intends to contribute offering a critical approach towards the influence of Habermas on the notion of social management, mainly with regard to the category of public sphere, by relying on the theme of ideology in a capitalist State and a class society. We analyze the evolution and continuity of Habermas' thought about the public sphere and discuss the consonance of the perspective of social management with the assumptions of Habermas' deliberative theory. We then argue that Habermas' theoretical framework points to an ideology of consensus on social developments. In addition, we claim that, inasmuch as Habermas presumes the possibility of a wholly spontaneous and unfettered dialogue, he ends up designing, idealistically, the intersubjective communication and the public sphere as an "ideal" discursive instance – as aprioristic guarantees of success. We conclude that the "real" public sphere should not be conceived as an arena of idealistic communicative conditions but as a genuinely contentious and asymmetrical deliberative space. In addition, an effective public sphere is supposed to encompass both informal public opinion formation and formal decision making, that is, it should promote real sharing of decision-making power, as sustained by the perspective of social management. ; El objetivo de este ensayo es discutir el carácter ideológico de los lineamientos teóricos de Jürgen Habermas acerca de su noción de esfera pública, en el ámbito de su teoría democrática deliberativa, y su apropiación teórica y conceptual por la gestión social en el campo de la administración. Nuestra intención es contribuir con un enfoque crítico a la influencia del pensamiento habermasiano en la conformación del concepto de gestión social, especialmente en lo que se refiere a la categoría de la esfera pública, recurriendo al tema ideología a la luz del Estado capitalista y de la sociedad de clases. Para ello, analizamos la evolución y la continuidad del pensamiento de Habermas acerca de la categoría de la esfera pública y discutimos el alineamiento de la gestión social con los presupuestos teórico-conceptuales de la teoría deliberativa habermasiana. A continuación, argumentamos que el marco teórico habermasiano apunta a una ideología de consenso sobre los desarrollos sociales. Asimismo, argumentamos que, en la medida en que Habermas presume la posibilidad de un diálogo completamente espontáneo y no condicionado, proyecta idealistamente la comunicación intersubjetiva y la esfera pública –como instancia "ideal" de discurso– como garantías apriorísticas del éxito. Concluimos que la esfera pública "real" debe ser entendida menos como una arena de condiciones comunicativas idealistas y más como un espacio deliberativo genuinamente conflictivo y asimétrico, y que una esfera pública efectiva debe comprender tanto la formación informal de la opinión pública como la toma formal de decisiones colectivas, es decir, debe promover la verdadera compartición del poder de decisión, como preconiza la gestión social. ; O objetivo deste artigo é discutir o caráter ideológico dos delineamentos teóricos de Jürgen Habermas acerca de sua noção de esfera pública no bojo de sua teoria democrática deliberativa, bem como sua apropriação teórico-conceitual pela gestão social no campo da administração. Nosso propósito é contribuir com uma abordagem crítica à influência do pensamento habermasiano na conformação da concepção de gestão social, sobretudo no que tange à categoria da esfera pública, recorrendo ao tema ideologia à luz do Estado capitalista e da sociedade de classes. Para tanto, analisamos a evolução e as continuidades do pensamento de Habermas acerca da categoria da esfera pública e discutimos o alinhamento da gestão social com os pressupostos teórico-conceituais da teoria deliberativa habermasiana. Em seguida, defendemos o argumento de que o esforço teórico habermasiano aponta uma ideologia do consenso quanto aos desenvolvimentos sociais, bem como o de que, ao supor a possibilidade de um diálogo completamente espontâneo e não condicionado, Habermas acaba por projetar idealisticamente a comunicação intersubjetiva e a esfera pública enquanto instância "ideal" de discurso como garantias apriorísticas de sucesso. Concluímos que a esfera pública "real" deve ser tomada menos como arena de condições comunicativas idealísticas e mais como espaço deliberativo originariamente conflitual e assimétrico e que uma esfera pública eficaz deve abranger tanto a formação informal da opinião pública quanto a tomada formal de decisão coletiva, isto é, deve promover a efetiva partilha de poder decisório, tal como preconizada pela gestão social.
