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Seven contemporary theoretical traditions have contributed to the demise of homo economicus: postindustrial sociology; the antiutilitarian ethics of modern social contract theorists, eg, John Rawls; the democratic theory of C. B. MacPherson; Jurgen Habermas's historical philosophy of culture; Cambridge-style political economics; economic anthropology; & the comparative cultural anthropology of Louis Dumont. Each of these traditions' explicit rejection of the image of economic man is discussed, & it is contended that the death of homo economicus has three ideological consequences for the social sciences: the negation of the idea of progress, the weakening of individualism, & skepticism of objective knowledge. Because of these adverse effects, it is suggested that homo economicus deserves resuscitation as both a paradigm of human choice making & as a highly useful ideal type. W. Howard

Examined is the claim by Jurgen Habermas that Karl Marx failed to transcend the philosophy of the subject. This claim is compared to Gyorgy Markus's alternative rendition of Marx (Language & Production, Dordrecht: Reidel, 1986), which tries to save the Marxian paradigm of production for contemporary critical theory. Habermas's assimilation of Marx to the philosophy of the subject is a consequence of his belief that Marxian critical theory lacks normative foundations. Markus argues that Habermas drastically narrows the significance of the paradigm of production, which casts doubt on Marx's assimilation to the philosophy of the subject. It is concluded that Markus's challenge to the ideal of a Marx immured in the philosophy of the subject is a vindication of Marx's claim to have broken with philosophical tradition, which renders Habermas guilty of overestimating his own break with tradition while misrepresenting the achievement of Marx. W. Howard

The article seeks to discuss strengths and problems of the assumptions of difference and of the ideals of sociopolitical integration in multiculturalist perspectives. The analysis is divided into three parts. In the first I look to show that the incorporation of two themes central to communitarianism – its questioning of the procedural demarcation of the boundaries between private and public spaces, and its critique of the theory of the subject that sustains liberal theses – has been essential to how the public is conceptualized in multicultural approaches, although, as I shall show, the two theoretical lineages diverge in important aspects. In the second part, I analyze different conceptions of the public developed by multiculturalist authors, seeking to demonstrate that their perspectives present tensions, generally linked to an uncertain articulation between the premises of difference and the possibilities for social and political integration. Finally, though emphasizing the originality of their critique of fixed political conceptions of public and private, I argue that some important limiting factors exist in multiculturalist theories.

MANY EXPONENTS OF LIBERALISM IN CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL THEORY CLAIM THAT "PUBLIC JUSTIFICATION" IS THE CENTRAL IDEA OF LIBERAL POLITICAL BELIEF. THIS PAPER CHALLENGES THIS CONTENTION, FIRST BY HIGHLIGHTING SOME OF THE MANY MEMBERS OF THE LIBERAL IDEOLOGICAL TRADITION WHICH DO NOT SHARE THIS CHARACTERISTIC AND, SECOND, BY ARGUING THAT RAWLSIAN POLITICAL LIBERALISM CANNOT COHERENTLY SUSTAIN ITS OWN PROFESSED COMMITMENT TO PUBLIC JUSTIFICATION. THIS POINTS TO SERIOUS STRUCTURAL FLAWS IN THE CONCEPT OF PUBLIC-JUSTIFICATORY LIBERALISM. THE ARTICLE VENTURES A PARTIAL EXPLANATION FOR WHY LIBERAL POLITICAL THEORISTS HAVE ATTEMPTED TO REDEFINE LIBERALISM IN PUBLIC-JUSTIFICATORY TERMS, BUT CONTENDS THAT THEY HAVE YET TO CONVINCE THAT THEIR VERSION OF IDEOLOGY IS A TENABLE AND DESIRABLE SUBSTITUTE FOR THOSE THEY SEEK TO DISPLACE. LIBERALISM IS BETTER SERVED BY POSITING THE PUBLIC JUSTIFICATION OF ITS PRINCIPLES AS ONE OF THE NUMEROUS ETHICAL GOALS OF THE IDEAL STATE IT PURSUES, RATHER THAN THE PRECONDITION OF ANY LEGITIMATE POLITICAL ACTION TAKEN IN ITS NAME.

Is it legitimate to exclude youth from Denmark and Sweden's democracies? This article starts from the ideal that democracy and personal autonomy are deeply connected, in theory and in the context. A policy analysis is conducted on youth participation and autonomy from a critical perspective of democracy as justification of a social order. The aim is to clarify the normative background of youth exclusion contextually and evaluate its legitimacy. The analysis shows that the primary purpose of inclusion is development of capacity for autonomy and that the right to ethical autonomy is respected unless it threatens development of future autonomy. However, a wide set of legal and social responsibilities placed on young people have no corresponding democratic rights, motivated by a lack of capacity for autonomy. This is a form of arbitrary rule, and youth are justified to demand more access to democratic participation. Keywords: democratic legitimacy, critical theory, youth, Denmark, Sweden

AbstractThe social power of music can effect stable and positive changes in individual health and communities that have significant health risks. Two observers, a medical student and a music student, discuss respectively the ideals and challenges of this principle put into practice. Their reflections about the role of music as social therapy and space for cultural communication stem from their one‐week involvement with the West‐Eastern Divan Orchestra at its summer institute in Spain.

This article maps the looks and lifestyle choices of small groups of young, like-minded people who emerged in the postwar Soviet Union and East Europe in the background of huge political, social, and cultural changes. With their androgynous bodies wrapped in drape jackets and narrow trousers, and their love of jazz and swing, these young men stood in a sharp contrast to the official ideology that promoted socialism as a new, pure, and highly rationalized project, its ideal robust and strong man, and its mass culture that insisted on educational and restrained forms of entertainment. Through the categories of dress, body, and big city, the article investigates the clashes, and the eventual truce, between the socialist streamlined and rationalized master narrative and the young dandies' fragmented and disordered narrative. The article argues that the socialist dandies were not politically minded, and that their challenge to the officially proclaimed values was informed by their adolescent recklessness and a general postwar desolation. They were declared state enemies because the socialist regimes did not allow for alternative types of modernity. Consequently, the authorities condemned the young dandies' looks and interests as cosmopolitan, because they originated in the West, and as artificial, since they belonged to the culture that had preceded a new socialist world.

Abstract
Theodor Adorno's philistine functions as the other of art, or as the ideal embodiment of everything that the bourgeois aesthetic subject is not. He insists on the truth-content of the derogation, while recognising its unjust social foundation, and seeking to reflect that tension in a self-critical turn. His model of advanced art is negatively delimited by the philistinism of art with a cause and the philistinism of art for enjoyment, which represent the poles of the aesthetic and the social. The philistine is also the counterpart to the connoisseur, with the interplay between them pointing to his preferred approach to aesthetics, in which an affinity for art and alienness to it are combined without compromise. However, Adorno fails to realise fully the critical potential of the philistine as the immanent negation of art and aesthetics.

This article presents a contractualist approach to peace and conflict studies that grows out of classical paradigms in the field. The contractualist approach proposes a solution to intractable conflicts through processes such as a public negotiating congress to transform conflicting parties into a large peacemaking community. The vision of an ideal congress is based on the multi-party talks that had operated in South Africa and Northern Ireland during the 1990s. The challenge is to establish a similar peacemaking institution in cases such as the Israeli-Palestinian dispute where ordinary citizens are at the center of the struggle. This article includes theoretical background, analysis of relevant case studies, and lessons from the Minds of Peace Experiment, a small-scale Israeli-Palestinian public negotiating congress that has held sessions in various locations around the world. Adapted from the source document.

The addition of the notions of "security, diversity, & solidarity" to the constitutional principles of "freedom, equality, & fraternity" is investigated. It is suggested that security, diversity, & solidarity should replace the traditional French constitutional triad. An analysis of literature produced by & about Germany's Joint Commission on the Constitution is performed & reveals that the concepts of security, diversity, & solidarity comprise the foundation of current constitutional reform movements. It is maintained that a paradigm shift attempting to constitutionalize security, diversity, & solidarity has occurred in contemporary Germany. It is argued that constitutional texts that incorporate the novel triad will operate as dynamic, morally responsible systems of norms rather than documents that preserve the separation of legality & morality. It is suggested that security, diversity, & solidarity should function both as constitutional ideals & conceptual guidelines for establishing international human rights. J. W. Parker

Jurgen Habermas's & Michel Foucault's respective treatments of modernity are compared & used to challenge contemporary attempts to replace modernity with postmodernity. Habermas's delineation of modernity as an incomplete project of emancipation, his identification of different types of modernization, & the centrality of the connection between reason & reform in his conception of modernity are discussed. Foucault's rejection of modernity's association with Enlightenment ideals of reason, contention that modernity is connected to an ethos designed to critique the current world, & notion of "limit attitude" that further distinguishes modernity from its Enlightenment roots are reviewed. Despite these significant differences, it is contended that Habermas & Foucault both resist the relegation of modernity to the past. It is concluded that Habermas's & Foucault's different understandings of modernity demonstrate the arbitrary nature of the debate over the status of modernity & postmodernity. J. W. Parker

The situation of intellectuals in Poland is explored via an analysis of the political marginalization of Adam Michnik, a polish intellectual & political activist who, along with Lec Walesa, provided leadership for political & social reform in the 1970s & 1980s. During this time, Michnik symbolized the ideals of struggling against oppression & of creating a new political form based on an organic alliance between intellectuals & workers. Michnik's effectiveness in speaking on society's behalf diminished, however, when the postcommunist Polish government allowed civil society to dissolve into a corporate struggle of opposed interests. It is argued that Michnik & other intellectuals' recycling of the nineteenth-century concept of civil society offered him a last hope to assume the Enlightenment role of agent of universal values. Michnik's moral agenda & strategy of antipolitics are examined, & the general predicament of intellectuals, in both East & West, is discussed.

The problematization of the classical concepts in the postmodern philosophy has created some definite challenges that stipulate the development of the "Theory" in its interdisciplinary conceptual meanings and practical applications. The latter demands a certain "list" of the new notions and implies requirements for theorists to reflect the scientific diversity without reducing it to any kind of "theoretical unity". For these reasons the purpose of this article is the conceptual reconstruction of the notion of the conflict in the specific postmodern context of its sociocultural, political and ethical meanings and senses. The methods of the research are mainly based on the principle of the anthropocentric paradigm, which stipulates the use of the interdisciplinary comparative-critical approaches and social construction methods in the general problematic field of postmodernism. While analysing conflict theories such schools of philosophy as existententialism, phenomenology and pragmatism are considered to be valid in the descriptions of both the actual conditions of the individual human existence and abstract human qualities. The practical aspects of this paper involve the empirical representation of the principles of the value and the sense in the problematic aspects of conflict resolution with the stress on the concepts of the discoursive communication. The obtained results allow to come to the conclusion that the most influential transformations are connected with such postmodern conflict problems as asymmetrical threats and unstable security architecture. The latter proves that the methodological approaches to conflictology should be evaluated from the point of presumably successful resolutions against the background of different spatial and temporal factors, which, in its turn, means creating new administrative modalities of conflict management. It should be stressed that in the context of the conflictological tendencies of the globalizing societies the special place should be occupied by the principles of K.- O. Apel's discoursive ethics and M. M. Bakhtin's doctrine of the "responsible dialogism". Nowadays political approaches cannot be effective in the conflict resolutions without the classical ideals and the absolutes, without the impact of the Pathos, which means implied significance of the "relatively Utopian" ideas and their application in the conflict resolution, the potential possibilities of their realization in the conflict situations. ; Поскольку фундаментальные проблемы философии рассматриваются в постсовременной гуманитарной науке в русле междисциплинарной «Теории», в данной статье актуализируется проблема недостаточной разработанности концептуальной сферы проблемного поля «конфликта» как культурного, социального и политического феномена в аспектах динамики теоретических и прикладных исследований последних лет. Цель статьи – концептуальная реконструкция понятия конфликта в специфике его социокультурного, политического и нравственного содержания. Методы исследования базируются на структуре антропоцентрической парадигмы, что обуславливает использование методологических принципов междисциплинарного системно-компаративного анализа с сопутствующими приемами феноменологии и социального конструктивизма в общем постмодернистском поле философии. Практическое значение работы заключается в эмпирической репрезентации ценностно-смысловых принципов решения конфликта в проблематике различных сфер дискурсивной коммуникации. Полученные результаты исследования позволяют сделать вывод о том, что наиболее значительные трансформации в развитии конфликтологии как новой отрасли науки связаны с проблемами асимметрических угроз и нестабильной архитектурой безопасности при общем акценте на вопросах репрезентации и легитимации конфликта как концепта и феномена в его пространственно-временных измерениях. В границах отхода от непреодолимости конфликта классических бинарных оппозиций утверждается значение принципов дискурсивной этики К.-О. Апеля и доктрины «ответственного диалогизма» М.М. Бахтина. Отмечается особое место категории «поступка» как в рациональном, так и утопическом мышлении с последующим заключением о том, что «относительно» утопические идеи и идеалы разрешения конфликтов обладают потенциальной возможностью реализации. ; Оскільки фундаментальні проблеми філософії розглядаються в постсучасній гуманітарній науці в руслі міждисциплінарної «Теорії», у цій статті актуалізується проблема недостатньої розробленості концептуальної сфери проблемного поля «конфлікту» як культурного і політичного феномена в аспектах динаміки теоретичних і прикладних досліджень останніх років. Мета статті – концептуальна реконструкція поняття конфлікту в специфіці його соціокультурного, політичного і морального змісту. Методи дослідження базуються на структурі антропоцентричної парадигми, що зумовлює використання методологічних принципів системного компаративно-критичного та міждисциплінарного аналізу із супутніми прийомами феноменології та соціального конструктивізму в загальному полі філософії постмодернiзму. Практичне значення роботи полягає в емпіричній репрезентації ціннісно-смислових принципів вирішення конфлікту в проблематиці різних сфер дискурсивної комунікації. Отримані результати дослідження дозволяють зробити висновок про те, що найбільш значні трансформації в розвитку конфліктології як нової галузі науки пов'язані з проблемами асиметричних загроз і нестабільною архітектурою безпеки із загальним акцентом на питаннях репрезентації та легітимації конфлікту як концепту та феномена в його просторово-часових вимірах. У межах відходу від нездоланності конфлікту класичних бінарних опозицій стверджується значення принципів дискурсивної етики К.-О. Апеля і доктрини «відповідального діалогізма» М. М. Бахтіна. Відзначається особливе місце категорії «вчинку» як в раціональному, так і утопічному мисленні з подальшим висновком про те, що «відносно» утопічні ідеї та ідеали вирішення конфліктів мають потенційну можливість реалізації.

Political theory's deliberative turn has provided novel theoretical insights, variously interpreted, into the rationality of communication. The goal of this research note is to clarify how these theoretical arguments and concepts have informed empirical research. To this end, a number of studies in this area are examined, and the argument is made that at least two research models inform empirical research, each of which embraces different methodological perspectives and understandings of the concept of discourse. The standard, political theory approach regards discourse as a regulative ideal, with which to assess actual political communication and empirically identify cases of deliberation. Furthermore, it adopts a co-variational explanatory template. The narrative, social theory model sees discourse as a counterfactual ideal in the heads of participants in communication, and assumes a narrative methodological perspective. These two models imply different theoretical choices with different implications for empirical research. ; Political theory's deliberative turn has provided novel theoretical insights, variously interpreted, into the rationality of communication. The goal of this research note is to clarify how these theoretical arguments and concepts have informed empirical research. To this end, a number of studies in this area are examined, and the argument is made that at least two research models inform empirical research, each of which embraces different methodological perspectives and understandings of the concept of discourse. The standard, political theory approach regards discourse as a regulative ideal, with which to assess actual political communication and empirically identify cases of deliberation. Furthermore, it adopts a co-variational explanatory template. The narrative, social theory model sees discourse as a counterfactual ideal in the heads of participants in communication, and assumes a narrative methodological perspective. These two models imply different theoretical choices with different implications for empirical research.

Marlene LeGates has written a thorough, lively and accessible overview of Western feminist movements from the Middle Ages through the latter twentieth century. With each chapter containing a timeline and brief excerpts from primary source documents, the text serve as an ideal basis for a history of feminism or women's studies course, or as a supplementary text in a broader women's history or western civilization course