IDENTIFICATION
In: Monitoring Underground Nuclear Explosions, S. 211-262
In: Monitoring Underground Nuclear Explosions, S. 211-262
In: Géopolitique de la nouvelle Asie centrale, S. 19-51
Lack of identity documents is an important obstacle to the protection of people forced to leave their homes by conflict, persecution, or natural disaster. At the most basic level, a person lacking identity documents cannot travel through the legal channels. Lack of identification can make people more vulnerable to trafficking, for example by making it more difficult to prove a person's age or family relationships. Those who lack identity documents may face greater difficulties proving their entitlement to nationality or to refugee status. The absence of fair and effective processes for registration and identification places displaced persons at the risk of exploitation and exclusion. Access to essential public services will be limited. Children are at risk of becoming stateless because of difficulties in accessing birth registration and because the rules and practices in place may prevent them from acquiring the nationality either of (one of) their parents or of the country of birth. Poorly implemented identification systems may even put displaced people at greater risk. If registration and identification procedures are not properly carried out, people who qualify to be recognized as refugees or stateless. Persons, or as nationals, may be subject to immigration detention and deportation to a country where they are in danger, or to illegal exploitation where they are. Weak identification systems can make it difficult for displaced persons and their children to reunite, to repatriate after crises have ended, and to reclaim land and property that they left behind. Robust identification and registration systems for displaced people also mitigate the disruptive impacts of rapid influxes of refugees for governments, and assist planning to respond to the needs of the displaced populations.
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In: SUNY series in communication studies
Intro -- THE IDEA OF IDENTIFICATION -- CONTENTS -- PREFACE -- 1. ORIGINS OF AN IDEA -- 2. CONCEPTUALIZING IDENTIFICATION -- 3. IDENTIFICATION, CELEBRITY, AND THE HOLLYWOOD FILM -- 4. SERENADES TO THE RESISTANT -- 5. MISIDENTIFICATION AND ITS SOURCES -- 6. IDENTIFICATION AND COMMITMENT IN CIVIC CULTURE -- NOTES -- Preface -- Chapter 1 -- Chapter 2 -- Chapter 3 -- Chapter 4 -- Chapter 5 -- Chapter 6 -- INDEX -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y -- Z.
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 48, Heft 1, S. 102-106
ISSN: 1537-5935
This article is a commentary on whether there are tensions among big data, theory (mostly formal), and the statistics of causal inference. Of these three areas, big data is clearly the newest. However, the idea that political methodology should focus on causal inference also is a relatively new idea. I have attended the Annual Political Methodology Summer Meeting since 2000. At that first meeting and at several afterwards, there were no papers that focused on the statistics of causal inference; by 2009, causal inference was the conference theme. The relatively new focus on causal inference contributes to some of the confusion about exactly what it means to focus on this topic. To many, causal inference is associated with particular techniques such as matching and regression-discontinuity designs. Although these methods are important, they are simply tools in service of a broader approach to statistical analysis. Given the confusion about what it means to focus on causal inference, this paper begins with an overview of the causal-inference approach to statistical analysis, which I argue has wide relevance--if only to clarify the goal of statistical analysis. Based on this summary, I outline how causal inference and what I term the 'discipline of identification' contribute to the development of big-data approaches to political science. Finally, I discuss the interplay between theory and causal inference, in which I think conflicts can and do arise. Adapted from the source document.
This article seeks to establish how, and why, older U.K. Armed Forces veterans resident in Scotland identify as veterans. We consider both the profile and the nature of the aged veteran population in Scotland and consider the nature of inclusion and exclusion by both the individual and community elements. Our consideration of the population and nature of the Scottish resident U.K. veteran is drawn from research amongst the older veteran population in Scotland, specifically those 65 years of age and older, as this includes periods of volunteer and required service from the U.K. population. The data is sourced from our 3-year study around the support needs of older veterans who are currently residing in Scotland. Our findings illustrate that individuals come from a variety of diverse geographical origins, and express different experiences in the U.K. Armed Forces; including nature of recruitment, branch of service, length of service, deployment theatres, and differing levels of engagement in active conflicts. Extant research identifies a divide between the official U.K. institutional definitions of a veteran, which is very broad and inclusive, and the interpretation of veteran status by those who have actually been members of the U.K. Armed Forces. The U.K. Government term is extremely inclusive and so much wider than many comparative definitions as it includes anyone who has performed military service for the length of one day and/or drawn one day's pay as a service member. Therefore, from an institutional perspective there is no perceived barrier to identifying as a U.K. veteran even for those who were negatively dismissed from service or discharged prior to formal completion of service periods. Yet, our current research reinforces previous findings that non-identification among ex-U.K. service personnel as veterans is widespread for a variety of different reasons. It is clear that the Government's definition of a veteran is much wider and more inclusive than the perceptions of the ex-service community itself, and this appears to be the case among the wider U.K. public as well, for reasons which are wide ranging and sometimes contradictory. We found that awareness amongst the older veteran community on who is a veteran and how the term is defined is still unclear. Older veterans, that is those who meet the Government's definition, still regularly report uncertainty on whether or not someone who did compulsory National Service can be classed as a veteran or if it is determined by length of service, and such confusion seems widespread. In addition, the exact nature of the veteran population in Scotland is also far from precise. While other countries have a long history of recording service personnel, both during and beyond service, the U.K. has no such measurable data or established clear support mechanisms for veterans, and this may have been a strong, historically contributing factor. This article therefore seeks to establish the reasons for veteran self-identification, or non-identification, but also the nature of the veteran community in Scotland, and the wider reasons why some former service personnel feel unwilling, or unable, to include themselves within that community.
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This article seeks to establish how, and why, older U.K. Armed Forces veterans resident in Scotland identify as veterans. We consider both the profile and the nature of the aged veteran population in Scotland and consider the nature of inclusion and exclusion by both the individual and community elements. Our consideration of the population and nature of the Scottish resident U.K. veteran is drawn from research amongst the older veteran population in Scotland, specifically those 65 years of age and older, as this includes periods of volunteer and required service from the U.K. population. The data is sourced from our 3-year study around the support needs of older veterans who are currently residing in Scotland. Our findings illustrate that individuals come from a variety of diverse geographical origins, and express different experiences in the U.K. Armed Forces; including nature of recruitment, branch of service, length of service, deployment theatres, and differing levels of engagement in active conflicts. Extant research identifies a divide between the official U.K. institutional definitions of a veteran, which is very broad and inclusive, and the interpretation of veteran status by those who have actually been members of the U.K. Armed Forces. The U.K. Government term is extremely inclusive and so much wider than many comparative definitions as it includes anyone who has performed military service for the length of one day and/or drawn one day's pay as a service member. Therefore, from an institutional perspective there is no perceived barrier to identifying as a U.K. veteran even for those who were negatively dismissed from service or discharged prior to formal completion of service periods. Yet, our current research reinforces previous findings that non-identification among ex-U.K. service personnel as veterans is widespread for a variety of different reasons. It is clear that the Government's definition of a veteran is much wider and more inclusive than the perceptions of the ex-service community itself, ...
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This article examines whether anonymity online has a future. In the early days of the Internet, strong cryptography, anonymous remailers, and a relative lack of surveillance created an environment conducive to anonymous communication. Today, the outlook for online anonymity is poor. Several forces combine against it: ideologies that hold that anonymity is dangerous, or that identifying evil-doers is more important than ensuring a safe mechanism for unpopular speech; the profitability of identification in commerce; government surveillance; the influence of intellectual property interests and in requiring hardware and other tools that enforce identification; and the law at both national and supranational levels. As a result of these forces, online anonymity is now much more difficult than previously, and looks to become less and less possible. Nevertheless, the ability to speak truly freely remains an important 'safety valve' technology for the oppressed, for dissidents, and for whistle-blowers. The article argues that as data collection online merges with data collection offline, the ability to speak anonymously online will only become more valuable. Technical changes will be required if online anonymity is to remain possible. Whether these changes are possible depends on whether the public comes to appreciate value the option of anonymous speech while it is still possible to engineer mechanisms to permit it.
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In: Political science research and methods: PSRM, Band 7, Heft 4, S. 737-755
ISSN: 2049-8489
Our focus is a puzzle: that ideological identification as "liberal" is in serious decline in the United States, but at the same time support for liberal policies and for the political party of liberalism is not. We aim to understand this divorce in "liberal" in name and "liberal" in policy by investigating how particular symbols rise and fall as associations with the ideological labels "liberal" and "conservative." We produce three kinds of evidence to shed light on this macro-level puzzle. First, we explore the words associated with "liberal" and "conservative" over time. Then we take up a group conception by examining the changing correlations between affect toward "liberals" and affect toward other groups. Finally, we consider the changing policy correlates of identification.
In: Military Avionics Systems, S. 257-280
In: Palestine-Israel journal of politics, economics and culture, Band 11, Heft 2, S. 69-75
ISSN: 0793-1395
In: Journal of Palestine studies, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 120-124
ISSN: 1533-8614
In: Journal of Palestine studies, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 120-124
ISSN: 1533-8614