The new states and nationalism in Eastern Europe
In: International politics, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 285-302
ISSN: 1384-5748
In: International politics, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 285-302
ISSN: 1384-5748
World Affairs Online
Discusses recent theoretical accounts of gender development in the UK, drawing on illustrations from the secondary literature. A key aspect of these theories is their nearly complete ignorance of race & class. Racism & class oppression have meant that black children grow up knowing that their parents are in a qualitatively different social position than their white counterparts. This knowledge crucially shapes their acquisition of gender identity. Theories of gender development that do not consider this process are necessarily partial. To rectify this, they need to recognize the existence of different forms of household organizations than the nuclear family & of different experiences of people of different colors & class backgrounds. Part of this process will involve a greater appreciation of the role of structural factors in the operation of gender development. 12 References. D. Ryfe
In: Politicka misao, Band 33, Heft 5, S. 99-107
The author defines ethnicity as a community that enables a reproduction of culture, ie, a system of moral regulation within communities. The cultural identity of a community is a means by which it affirms its moral value vis-a-vis others. The elements of culture (language, religion, customs, historical legacy) serve an ethnic community for the purpose of defining borders between them & other communities. Nationalism (particularly in Central & Eastern Europe) makes use of the mobilization of ethnic identities. A prominent role in that process is played by intellectuals, who have monopoly over cultural production, particularly over the imposition & preservation of the language standard. On the background of this theoretical & historical analysis, the author highlights the causes of intensive ethnonationalist conflicts in Central & Eastern Europe. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 33, Heft 5, S. 99-107
The author defines ethnicity as a community that enables a reproduction of culture, ie, a system of moral regulation within communities. The cultural identity of a community is a means by which it affirms its moral value vis-a-vis others. The elements of culture (language, religion, customs, historical legacy) serve an ethnic community for the purpose of defining borders between them & other communities. Nationalism (particularly in Central & Eastern Europe) makes use of the mobilization of ethnic identities. A prominent role in that process is played by intellectuals, who have monopoly over cultural production, particularly over the imposition & preservation of the language standard. On the background of this theoretical & historical analysis, the author highlights the causes of intensive ethnonationalist conflicts in Central & Eastern Europe. Adapted from the source document.
The purpose of this qualitative case study was to examine the communication strategies and decision-making processes of executive higher education leaders at a specific, residential liberal arts higher educational institution. Supplemental interviews with three executive leaders at similar institutions were also identified and recommended for participation by interview respondents at the original case site. The actions of higher education executive leaders at this case site and supplemental institutions were investigated in the context of understanding how organizational identity and culture and marketing efforts impact the construction of higher education institutions' communication strategies, and how identity and culture shape communication strategies in an iterative way during a time of two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement. Four research questions guided the study: What are the communication strategies of higher education executive leaders during a time of two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement? What are the internal and external pressures that influence their decisions regarding the communication strategies they adopt? To what extent, if any, do their communication strategies support or challenge organizational culture, identity, and marketing efforts during a time of two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement? In what ways have these two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement—changed these communication processes? Findings from the case study interviews fell into five categories: communication strategy, decision-making processes, internal and external pressures, organizational culture and identity, and changes in communications strategies due to the concurrent crises. Studying the communication strategies of higher education leaders and the impact of their communication decisions not only provides frames of reference for leadership decision-making in academia as a cultural-shaping industry, but also reveal powerful nuances in understanding "value" perceptions that dwell far beyond the institutional structure of higher education, particularly during this time of two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement.
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Blaming immigrants seems to be in part motivated by the need for control. However, three alternative explanations have been proposed as to why blaming bolsters feelings of control. First, blaming may restore a sense of an orderly world in which negative events can be attributed to a clear cause (causal attribution). Second, blaming others may strengthen in-group identities thereby facilitating group-based control (in-group identification). Finally, blaming low-status groups may enhance individuals' perceptions of dominance and superior status (hierarchy enhancement). Addressing these arguments, we conducted two survey experiments in the German context. In the first experiment, we examined the control-bolstering functions of causal attribution and in-group identification. Participants were primed with an economic crisis threat and then, given the opportunity to either blame out-groups (immigrants and managers), blame an abstract cause (globalization), or affirm their national identity. In the second experiment, we examine control enhancement in the context of political conflict and status hierarchies. Participants had the opportunity to either express prejudice toward low-status out-groups (immigrants and obese people) or indicate their opinion on the polarized issue of representation of the far-right. Both studies replicate earlier findings showing that anti-immigrant blaming and prejudice enhances the feelings of control. Neither mere causal attribution nor mere in-group identity salience produce similar control-bolstering effects. Instead, findings suggest that intergroup conflict and status differences benefit control the enhancement processes supporting accounts of both group-based control and social dominance. Findings are discussed with respect to social cohesion and the appeal of populist frames promoting antagonistic, unequal intergroup relations. ; The peer review history for this article (including the reviewer reports, their responses, and the editor's decision letter) is available at https://publons.com/publon/10.1002/jts5.73.
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Este trabajo indagó sobre la vulneración de los derechos de los niños y adolescentes (0 a 18 años) a vivir en familia, a la salud, a la educación y a la identidad, en barrios de Salta, Capital. Se realizó una investigación cuantitativa, con un diseño no experimental transeccional descriptivo, donde se aplicaron encuestas a 272 adultos cuidadores de los niños y adolescentes, de las áreas de responsabilidad de tres Centros de Salud, Nos. 3, 15 y 45. El derecho que aparece vulnerado en mayor medida es el acceso a la identidad, que define la filiación de las personas. Los otros derechos se encuentran actualmente preservados por las políticas públicas, influyendo algunos planes de gobierno que tienden específicamente a que se cumplan como una prestación que tiene como contraparte un aporte dinerario a la familia. ; The aim of this paper was to investigate the violation of children and adolescents (0 – 18 years old) rights to family life, health, education and identity in neighborhoods of Salta, capital city. A quantitative research was conducted with a descriptive, cross-sectional and non-experimental design. For this purpose, 272 adult caregivers from the areas of responsibility of three healthcenters -No. 3, No. 15 and No. 45- were polled. The right that has been infringed to a greater extent is access to identity, which defines the relationship between people. The other rights are now protected by public policies; these have been influenced by some government plans that tend to be met specifically as a provision which has a monetary contribution to the family as its counterpart.
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Целью данного исследования является анализ проблемы интеграции и идентичности мусульманских общин Германии. Кардинальные качественные изменения соотношения транснационального и национального стали характерной чертой современных стран ЕС. Рост количества мусульман среди граждан ФРГ, кризис концепции мультикультурного общества, усиление антиисламских настроений внутри немецкого общества все это создает угрозу нового этнического конфликта в Германии. Усилия многих политических сил современной ФРГ направлены на создание эффективной модели межцивилизационного диалога, значительна в этом процессе и роль мусульманских общин Германии. Успех создания европейской мусульманской идентичности зависит от ряда факторов, в том числе и внешнеполитических. Анализ стратегии национальной политики правительства ФРГ позволяет выявить не только трудности, с которыми сталкиваются сегодня мусульмане Германии, но и определить критерии действительного межкультурного консенсуса. ; This article deals with the problem of integration and identity of the Muslim communities in Germany. Fundamental qualitative changes in the ratio of transnational and national became a characteristic feature of the modern states of EU. The growing number of Muslims among the citizens of Germany, the crisis of the multicultural society, strengthening of anti-Islamic sentiment within the German society all this creates the threat of a new ethnic conflict in Germany. The efforts of many political forces of modern Germany are aimed at creating an effective model of inter-civilization dialogue, significant in this process and the role of Muslim communities in Germany. The success of the creation of a European Muslim identity depends on a number of factors, including foreign policy. The analysis of the strategy of national policy of the German government reveals not only the difficulties faced by Muslims today in Germany, but also to determine the criteria for valid intercultural consensus.
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Michael Leach in his article "The Politics of Masculinity: An Overview of Contemporary Theory" expresses that the same as with femininity, masculinity operates politically at two levels as a form of identity or as a form of ideology since it presents a set of cultural ideals that define appropriate roles, values and expectations for and of men. This paper proposes to explore the construction of the masculine identity of the characters of Drown (1996) and of The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao (2007) by Junot Díaz. The male characters of both texts oscillate between the rejection and the appropriation of roles and expectations for the masculine subject both in the United States of America and in the Dominican Republic. This paper will analyze the discourse of culture in the construction of masculinity. ; Michael Leach en su artículo "The Politics of Masculinity: An Overview of Contemporary Theory" sostiene que, al igual que la femineidad, la masculinidad opera políticamente en diferentes niveles, como una forma de identidad o como una forma de ideología. La masculinidad puede ser vista como una forma de ideología al presentar un conjunto de valores y expectativas para y de los hombres. Este trabajo propone explorar la construcción de la identidad masculina en los personajes de Drown (1996) y de The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao (2007), de Junot Díaz. Los personajes masculinos de ambos textos se mueven entre el rechazo y la aceptación de los roles y expectativas para el sujeto masculino tanto en los Estados Unidos como en la República Dominicana. En este trabajo se analizará el discurso de la cultura en la construcción de la masculinidad.
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In: Sage Open, Band 6, Heft 3, S. 1-10
It is commonly assumed that international sport reinforces feelings of national pride and national identity. Using large-scale survey data from Germany, covering the period between 1992 and 2008, some unresolved key questions surrounding sportive nationalism are addressed. We examine the relative importance of sport as a source of national pride, analyze the sociodemographics of sportive nationalism, and describe its long-term development in East and West Germany after reunification. Results reveal that sport is an increasingly important source of pride in Germany. Sportive nationalism is more common among younger generations, males, and individuals with lower socioeconomic status. Prevailing differences between East and West Germany document persistent socialization effects of former sport-centered identity politics. Among East Germans, sport is more important for general national pride, and sportive nationalism is much more equally distributed between various social groups (with regard to age, gender, education). From 1992 to 2008, however, a trend toward convergence between East and West Germans is also demonstrated.
What's in a name? Redefining the discourse of gender-bending -- "Masculine women, feminine men": variety and vaudevillian male impersonators -- Mythical, "sexless" characters: identity borders in El Teatro Campesino -- The "first punch" at Stonewall: counteridentification butch acts -- Bent means "not quite straight": kinging as disidentification -- Conclusion: bending rhetoric.
The main research areas are the debate on national identity and the national myth. The focus lies on the question how these terms were reflected in the print media in Germany and France from 1997 to 2012.It is to be considered that the Federal Republic of Germany of the 21 century relates less to myths than France where the different political camps continually reactivate personalities from the national history with the aim of giving its citizens a certain confidence in the future and to reinforce national identity. Since then the resulting debates have divided the political landscape of France.By analysing different discourse events the goal was to question if the debates on national identity go along with a return of the "national myth" which is understood in its meaning as a "roman national" that tells the story of the building and development of a nation. In this sense it is an identity-forming narration. The focus was set on the following events: the French presidential election campaign in 2007, the parliamentary election campaign for the Bundestag in 2005, the opening of an exhibition in the Deutsche Historische Museum in Berlin in 2006, the announcement of the foundation of a "Maison de l'Histoire de France" in 2009 and the Franco-German discourse event the 40th anniversary of the signing of Élysée-Treaty on 22 January 2003.It was proven that national myths were reconfirmed in the context of national discourse events, like the French presidential election campaign in 2007. During this campaign public and private actors tried to reactivate the "roman national" with the help of the media. While in Germany there were attempts to reanimate the founding myth of the FRG during the parliamentary election campaign for the Bundestag of 2005. ; Cette étude porte sur les discussions concernant l'identité nationale et le "mythe" national tels qu'ils se constatent dans la presse française et allemande entre 1997 et 2012. Une comparaison entre la presse allemande et la presse française de cette époque permet d'examiner dans quelle mesure les différences dans la définition du concept de « nation » et de « citoyenneté » se répercutent sur la représentation de l'identité nationale.On peut considérer que, au XXIe siècle, la RFA, si on la compare à la France, se réfère moins souvent à des mythes qui lui serviraient de repères alors qu'en France, toutes tendances politiques confondues, le rappel des grandes figures historiques sert en permanence à donner confiance dans l'avenir et à renforcer l'identité nationale, rappel qui a suscité de vifs débats et a parfois divisé le paysage politique de la France.Nous avons évoqué non seulement dans le contexte des campagnes électorales de 2007 et 2005, mais aussi dans celui de l'ouverture d'une exposition permanente au Musée de l'Histoire allemande à Berlin en 2006 et du projet français d'une Maison de l'Histoire en 2009, tout comme pour le 40e anniversaire du Traité de l'Elysée en 2003. Les hypothèses qui nous ont guidée étaient que ce mythe national, loin de disparaître, se trouvait peut-être réactivé sitôt que des facteurs extérieurs et certaines circonstances incitaient à raviver ce mythe et ses mythèmes. Notre conclusion est le constat que le 'roman national' est resté omniprésent et a pu être rappelé par les journalistes à chaque instant, en France comme en Allemagne. Ces mythes obéissent à des critères différents en France et en Allemagne. Car, en France, c'est l'ancien mythe républicain qui prédomine dans les actes et les propos des personnalités publiques et qui est relayé par les médias. Tandis que, en Allemagne, ce sont les éléments constitutifs du mythe fondateur de la République Fédérale qui ont été réactivés.
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The main research areas are the debate on national identity and the national myth. The focus lies on the question how these terms were reflected in the print media in Germany and France from 1997 to 2012.It is to be considered that the Federal Republic of Germany of the 21 century relates less to myths than France where the different political camps continually reactivate personalities from the national history with the aim of giving its citizens a certain confidence in the future and to reinforce national identity. Since then the resulting debates have divided the political landscape of France.By analysing different discourse events the goal was to question if the debates on national identity go along with a return of the "national myth" which is understood in its meaning as a "roman national" that tells the story of the building and development of a nation. In this sense it is an identity-forming narration. The focus was set on the following events: the French presidential election campaign in 2007, the parliamentary election campaign for the Bundestag in 2005, the opening of an exhibition in the Deutsche Historische Museum in Berlin in 2006, the announcement of the foundation of a "Maison de l'Histoire de France" in 2009 and the Franco-German discourse event the 40th anniversary of the signing of Élysée-Treaty on 22 January 2003.It was proven that national myths were reconfirmed in the context of national discourse events, like the French presidential election campaign in 2007. During this campaign public and private actors tried to reactivate the "roman national" with the help of the media. While in Germany there were attempts to reanimate the founding myth of the FRG during the parliamentary election campaign for the Bundestag of 2005. ; Cette étude porte sur les discussions concernant l'identité nationale et le "mythe" national tels qu'ils se constatent dans la presse française et allemande entre 1997 et 2012. Une comparaison entre la presse allemande et la presse française de cette époque permet d'examiner dans quelle mesure les différences dans la définition du concept de « nation » et de « citoyenneté » se répercutent sur la représentation de l'identité nationale.On peut considérer que, au XXIe siècle, la RFA, si on la compare à la France, se réfère moins souvent à des mythes qui lui serviraient de repères alors qu'en France, toutes tendances politiques confondues, le rappel des grandes figures historiques sert en permanence à donner confiance dans l'avenir et à renforcer l'identité nationale, rappel qui a suscité de vifs débats et a parfois divisé le paysage politique de la France.Nous avons évoqué non seulement dans le contexte des campagnes électorales de 2007 et 2005, mais aussi dans celui de l'ouverture d'une exposition permanente au Musée de l'Histoire allemande à Berlin en 2006 et du projet français d'une Maison de l'Histoire en 2009, tout comme pour le 40e anniversaire du Traité de l'Elysée en 2003. Les hypothèses qui nous ont guidée étaient que ce mythe national, loin de disparaître, se trouvait peut-être réactivé sitôt que des facteurs extérieurs et certaines circonstances incitaient à raviver ce mythe et ses mythèmes. Notre conclusion est le constat que le 'roman national' est resté omniprésent et a pu être rappelé par les journalistes à chaque instant, en France comme en Allemagne. Ces mythes obéissent à des critères différents en France et en Allemagne. Car, en France, c'est l'ancien mythe républicain qui prédomine dans les actes et les propos des personnalités publiques et qui est relayé par les médias. Tandis que, en Allemagne, ce sont les éléments constitutifs du mythe fondateur de la République Fédérale qui ont été réactivés.
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This study investigated if modernity and Confucian values were ingroups positively valued distinctiveness for Hong Kong adolescents with different social identities. Participants (236 Hong Kong adolescents) filled out a questionnaire which tapped social identity and intergroup perception. They also participated in a card-sorting activity in which they decided if any of 20 attributes (e.g., advanced, respecting collective will) could be used to characterize a specific ethnic–social group (e.g., mainland Chinese, Hongkongers, Americans). Multidimensional scaling performed on the card-sorting data resulted in a two-dimensional solution. Emphasis on Dimension 1 (modernity) correlated with positive perception of Hong Kong and Hong Kong people while emphasis on Dimension 2 (Confucian values) correlated with positive perception of China and Chinese. In addition, compared to adolescents who identified themselves as Chinese or Chinese-Hongkongers, those who identified themselves as Hongkongers or Hongkonger-Chinese placed more emphasis on modernity and less on Confucian values. The results were discussed with reference to Taj fels theory of social identity.
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In: Journal of contemporary China, Band 25, Heft 102, S. 822-835
ISSN: 1067-0564
In Indonesia, Chinese voluntary associations took on a new level of importance after the fall of Suharto's New Order regime in 1998 that ushered in a revival of Chinese identity politics. At the same time, Sino-Indonesian relations are blossoming, and the rise of China as a global power means that Indonesia can only benefit from stronger ties with China in the future. In this new atmosphere of cooperation, I argue that Chinese Indonesian individuals and voluntary organizations play a crucial function as trade and cultural intermediaries. Drawing on both empirical and qualitative fieldwork data, in this paper, I examine how members of Chinese voluntary organizations view their ethnicity, national belonging, and strategic position in the contexts of post-Suharto Chinese identity politics and Sino-Indonesia relations. More broadly, this paper also offers a critical analysis of the internal dynamics of contemporary Overseas Chinese voluntary organizations and the role they play in building trade and sociocultural relationships between China and other countries. (J Contemp China/GIGA)
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