The EU is bound to respect the national identities of Member States. States might, at occasions, define their national identities in ways that breach inclusive constitutional values (e.g. equality) protected under TEU Article 2. The assumption behind the recognition of diverse constitutional identities is the peaceful coexistence of both, which is challenged by illiberal national developments. Instead, we see a zero-sum game between the constitutional recognition of exclusive values (e.g. dominant ethnicity or religion) and inclusive constitutional values; every gain by the proponents of emergent authoritarianism translates to a loss on the side of constitutional democracy. While exclusive norms appear in virtually every constitutional system, a critical mass of exclusive values can lead to the hollowing out of a democratic order, both on the national and on the supranational level. To try to draw the line where this shift happens, we are relying on the limits of toleration, and recognition, of exclusive norms and identity elements of minority communities in liberal theories of multiculturalism (e.g. Raz, Taylor, Kymlicka). We think that the case of illiberal minorities raise structurally similar theoretical questions, insights, and experiences than the dilemma defined above, the challenge of illiberal Member States undermining EU fundamental values.
The case of Simek Kitty garnered a lot of interest in the media between 2002 and 2005. The fourteen-year-old girl, who endured her stepfather's physical, verbal, and sexual abuse for ten years, one day shot the aggressive man with his own weapon. Although the court sentenced the young girl for her deed, the President of the Republic gave her amnesty, so she did not have to go to jail after all. However, her life turned even worse after the incident. In my study, I examine why the events turned out the way they did and how the tragedy could have been avoided.
Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic. ; Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic.
The Hungarian railway network with the latest and most advanced in the XIX–XX. at the turn of the century. The railway network plays a crucial role not only within the country's borders, but the whole of Europe. The nationalities wanted to create their own state in the Austro - Hungarian monarchy. The Entente validate their own political and economic interests of the Páruzsi peace talks, was used for the national aspirations. The world changes strengthened the political aspirations of the Entente. The strategic interests also justify their decisions. Soviet Russia and the European labor movement organization of great danger to the Entente countries. Politicians of the Entente countries have developed the boundaries of the Central European countries, on the basis of these two reasons. They split up the single railway network in small units. Austria wants now to standardize the components, according to their own interests. Hungary can not promote their own interests in the field of European rail services.
In my research I decided to examine the characteristic features of management in civil organizations. In this context, I touched upon the conflict conditions of these structures. When examining conflicts, I had the assumption that in case of an organization with such a widespread network of connections and so many interactions, many sources of conflicts can be identified. An examination of the conflict, because I considered important, since it seemed that these organisations operate at a high level of conflict. In civil activities and in society it often occurs that the participants give different responses to a given issue. The civil interpretation conveys the concept of diversity and different opinions. Even the existence of these organizations expresses disagreement. Thus, they convey conflicts in themselves since they often get into conflicts even with the state powers. These results show that the examined civil organizations have hardly any conflicts. The goal of my examination conflicts was to explore how strong the conflicts are between civil organizations and the participants of their system of relations. I examined which participants get into conflicts and the analysis of the entire sample shows that conflicts are not really characteristic of civil organizations. If conflicts happen to develop, they mainly develop between the civil organizations and the members, the civil society and the supervising organizations. However, the implementation of tasks causes interaction in each type of organizations and interactions generate conflicts. Thus, the low level of conflicts means a low level of activity. Based on the results of conflict examinations, I concluded that the rate of conflicts can be used as a parameter of civil activity in certain cases.
The fundamental value of labour law at all times is that it provides security in the economic sense and thus creates predictability: on the one hand, with rules protecting the worker and, on the other hand, by building a social network on the part of the state in case the worker is unable to work. In addition, it is crucial that labour law regulations can properly adapt to the economic and social changes of the 21st century, to the emergence of new trends. The development of robotics and artificial intelligence will undoubtedly have an impact on the dynamic and static elements of the work environment, the labour market, and the labour relationship, thus generating new challenges.
During the past centuries many great philosophers and statesmen dreamt about the possible constitutional scope of exceeding Europe's political division and fulfilling the unified/united Europe. Most conceptions outlined the practical realization at a supranational level, although in the last decades there has been a greater emphasis on the sub-national (regional, micro-regional) level or else the "multi-level" Europe. Considering its scientific importance there has been less mention of the importance of the local, regional networks, however, their functionality –in the form of sister town connections –has been experienced by many towns in Hungary. In my thesis I intended to shed light on the fact that the sistertown connections –if being able to overstep the mayors and the local authorities' protocol meetings -and it can be the pledge of their viability, take a prominent part in framing the "bottom up" Europe. The personal, civil relationships, the common interests and the solutions to collective problems may all lead to a continuity in the increasingly "multigeared" European integration. In order to present the subject matter I selected the analysis of sister town connections related to the county town, Zalaegerszeg. My research questions were as follows: to what extent the sister town connection of Zalaegerszeg has changed in terms of geographical and content orientation, what elements of networking, independent from any political orientation, have been used, how the intensity fluctuation of the connections can be explained. The conclusion of my research is that the citizens, the civil organisations and the local authority of Zalaegerszeg, whose number of sister towns –fourteen –is greater than the Hungarian average, build their sister town connections in a conscious way, meanwhile integrating them functionally and successfully at a local level into the network of international connections.
There is a strong Calvinist spirit in the professional work of all our Reformed Church criminal lawyers. Educating offenders, involving them in work, helping prisoners, helping and protecting those at risk played a primary role in their response to crime. Finkey's approach was in harmony with this tradition. He was convinced that without the involvement of the society, without the active help of the churches, there would be no effective crime prevention. He emphasized the importance of education, arguing that education is necessary not only for juvenile offenders but also for the adults. Following the North American "reformatory school", he called for establishing correctional institutions in Hungary, as many as possible.
Following the 1948 Bucarest resolution of the COMINFORM, better known as Information Office (TI) the situation between Yugoslavia and the neighbouring peoples" democracies dramatically worsened. However secret data collection and network organisation between the opposing parties started much earlier. Tito was in an advantageous position concerning intelligence because in the framework of the Allied Control Commission he had a military mission working in Hungary. The representatives of the mission had fruitful relationship with important Hungarian political and military personalities. After the acceptance of the Soviet dictate mapping the foreign relationships, internal situation, industrial capacity, stocks of raw materials, and military preparedness of the country led by Tito the "main evil", the "dog of the imperialists" had an important place in the activities of the secret services of the peace camp.
Pursuant to the First World War, Romania's territory increased, and thus it inherited a complex social, economic, and legal environment different from that of the predecessor states. The Romanian state's response to these challenges is to be found in the political goal of building a homogeneous nation-state. This political agenda has had an impact on all areas of law, not only on legislation but also on the application of the law. The use of essentially ethnically neutral legal instruments of criminal law for state policy purposes can also be seen as an element of exclusionary nationality policy. The Romanian state's actions have thus not only failed to resolve existing internal tensions but have also made the relations between the majority and minorities, as well as the possibility of consolidation impossible for the past century.
The field of investigation of penology, the concept of criminal penalty as well as its general and specific goals and content have not changed despite drafting and formulating more and more types of criminal penalties in the penal/criminal codes over the past several decades. Regardless of the aforementioned, penology these days must have specific responses to situations – whether it is justified to extend the sphere of criminal penalties to penalties in case of which the goal of imposing penalty can be achieved in other ways, or whether it is necessary to apply the traditional penal measures to facts or perpetrators, in case of whom applying other measures can be more efficient in order to achieve either the protection of society or general prevention. This study is aimed at finding answers to these questions.
The concept of territorial cohesion can not be reduced to regional disparities that are based on analyzes on the level of economic relations and of various infrastructures. Interpretation of cohesion between parts and units of European society, rethinking one of the challenges of the future. Increas-ing the value of social cohesion and European responses to demand arising from globalization and geopolitical challenges. The European Union is facing a series of decisions both trans-Atlantic co-operation initiatives and the East, Eurasia challenges with respect. The study presents a novel interpretation of the traditional and the cohesion of the European Union and anticipates resistance to external influences is important to increase, and the importance of new quality requirements. The continuing global economic crisis, international migration and global changes in energy prices are raise awareness of the sensitivity of European Union's economy and society.
This contribution offers a reminder of the state of political forces in France and the course of the health crisis, which initially took place in a context of strong political tensions, particularly as a result of the controversial pension reform decided by Macron. The COVID crisis allowed populist parties to develop 'naming' and 'blaming' strategies, initially mobilized in different proportions, to attack the President of the Republic Macron. The analysis shows that the decision to introduce a lockdown led the two leaders of the parties described as populist to harden their criticism to similar proportions but also to 'claim' rapid responses to the crisis. These speeches are also part of the medical polemics that will have been omnipresent throughout the pandemic. Finally, we observe that these strategies have not been beneficial to the populist parties, since during the municipal elections the two parties did not manage to take advantage on this health and political sequence.
The Treaty of Trianon, signed on June 4, 1920, affected Hungary is several ways. The country lost almost two-thirds of its population and territory. The peace treaty not only had territorial, national, economic and military consequences, but several Hungarian higher education institutions were also affected disadvantageously. After 1919 there was no education at most Hungarian universities and as a result of the new borders, the country's network of higher education institutions changed significantly. Universities in the detached territories were forced to leave. The study presents the operating conditions of the universities (Kolozsvári Magyar Királyi Ferenc József Tudományegyetem, Magyar Királyi Erzsébet Tudományegyetem, Bányászati és Erdészeti Főiskola) and certain faculties involved following the Trianon Peace Treaty. The study also shows how the Treaty changed the Hungarian higher education, and how it changed the Hungarian higher education map. Kuno Klebelsberg realised that the cultural differences caused by the change in the landscape of higher education couldn't be sustained for a long time, so he implemented a number of actions in order to lessen the predominance of Budapest. The study covers the most important actions in the field of higher education. It examines the change in the number of students as well as the rate of those with university degree after the new borders were defined. Changes in the institutional network and the history of the universities are based on secondary literature analysis. The presentation of the student statistics is based on the analysis of data published in the Statistical Yearbooks of the Hungarian Central Statistical Office. Az 1920. június 4-én aláírt trianoni békeszerződés több szempontból is sújtotta hazánkat. Az ország elvesztette lakosságának és területének csaknem kétharmadát. A békeszerződésnek nemcsak területi, nemzetiségi, gazdasági és katonai hatásai voltak, hanem számos magyar felsőoktatási intézményt is hátrányosan érintett. 1919-től már a legtöbb hazai egyetemen nem folyt oktatás, és a történelmi Magyarország összeomlásának következményeként az ország felsőoktatási intézményhálózata is számottevően megváltozott. Az elcsatolt részeken ragadt egyetemek többségének nem volt maradása. A tanulmány bemutatja a trianoni békeszerződést követően az érintett egyetemeknek (Kolozsvári Magyar Királyi Ferenc József Tudományegyetem, pozsonyi Erzsébet Tudományegyetem és selmecbányai Bányászati és Erdészeti Főiskola) és egyes egyetemi karoknak a működési feltételét. Értékeli továbbá, hogy a békekötés következtében a magyar felsőoktatás milyen intézményhálózati változáson ment keresztül, és hogyan változott meg az ország felsőoktatási intézménytérképe. Klebelsberg Kunó felismerte, hogy a felsőoktatási térszerkezet változása miatt kialakult kulturális egyenlőtlenség nem tartható fent sokáig ezért számos olyan intézkedést hozott, amely Budapest túlsúlyát próbálta enyhíteni. A tanulmány a legfontosabb, felsőoktatást érintő intézkedésekre is kitér. Megvizsgálja, hogy milyen mértékben változott meg a hallgatók száma, illetve a felsőfokú végzettségűek aránya az új országhatárok kijelölését követően. Az intézményhálózati változások, illetve az egyetemek történeténetek bemutatása szakirodalmi másodelemzés alapján készült. A hallgatói statisztikák bemutatása a Központi Statisztikai Hivatal által kiadott Statisztikai Évkönyvekben közölt adatok elemzésén alapul.
