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Participatory forums, in which lay citizens or users of public services contribute to the governance of public services, have proliferated in recent years. In debates about the quality and influence of such processes, there has been increasing recognition of the importance of emotional as well as rational deliberation, and criticism of the way in which the structures imposed on such forums can exclude certain participants and discourses. This paper presents a study of one such forum, convened by an independent organization to influence the development and management of state services, and governed by self-determined norms of participation and conduct. It highlights both the potential of such public deliberations beyond the state to generate novel outputs that influence public-service provision, but also the way in which such forums, and their lack of imposed rules and norms of deliberation, can themselves work to exclude certain participants and discourses.

This paper explores the mechanisms, processes, and dynamics of participation and deliberation in three newly created, mixed-income communities being built on the footprint of former public housing developments in Chicago. Our findings reflect enduring dilemmas about the challenge of democratic participation and representation for low-income citizens in the context of urban revitalization efforts. In the current case, a fundamental tension exists between two orientations to organizing participation, one (dominant) orientation that privileges "mainstreaming" public housing resident participation into collaborative governance structures and existing market and civil society mechanisms, and another that suggests the continuing need for dedicated mechanisms that maximize public housing representation. In this paper, we frame the theoretical debates over the potential for establishing effective mechanisms to promote deliberative democracy at a neighborhood-level. We then provide an overview of the participatory landscape in these communities, explore how key stakeholders view participation, and examine how the organization of opportunities for deliberation and emerging patterns of participation shape dynamics of inclusion and exclusion in these contexts. Based on these findings, we suggest implications for policy and practice.

This paper explores the mechanisms, processes, and dynamics of participation and deliberation in three newly created, mixed-income communities being built on the footprint of former public housing developments in Chicago. Our findings reflect enduring dilemmas about the challenge of democratic participation and representation for low-income citizens in the context of urban revitalization efforts. In the current case, a fundamental tension exists between two orientations to organizing participation, one (dominant) orientation that privileges "mainstreaming" public housing resident participation into collaborative governance structures and existing market and civil society mechanisms, and another that suggests the continuing need for dedicated mechanisms that maximize public housing representation. In this paper, we frame the theoretical debates over the potential for establishing effective mechanisms to promote deliberative democracy at a neighborhood-level. We then provide an overview of the participatory landscape in these communities, explore how key stakeholders view participation, and examine how the organization of opportunities for deliberation and emerging patterns of participation shape dynamics of inclusion and exclusion in these contexts. Based on these findings, we suggest implications for policy and practice.

In this paper the author analyzes the problems of inequality of opportunity and exclusion of Mexican indigenous population, in the face of demands for recognition of cultural diversity,indigenous autonomy and self-determination, through which it aims to include this sector of the population in the national project. In this sense, the paper also reviews the conceptualization that the government draws on indigenous marginalization from which defines its policies. Finally, note the challenges that indigenous involvement is to build democracy in the country. ; En este trabajo la autora analiza la problemática de la desigualdad de oportunidades y exclusión de la población indígena mexicana, de cara a las demandas de reconocimiento de la diversidad cultural, la autonomía y autodeterminación indígena, a través de las cuales se busca la inclusión de este sector de la población en el proyecto de nación. En este sentido,el trabajo también revisa la conceptualización que el gobierno elabora sobre la marginación indígena, a partir de la cual define sus políticas. Finalmente, observa los retos que la inclusión indígena tiene para la construcción de la democracia en el país.

Disability is a long-standing area of digital inclusion finally emerging out of the shadows. In this article, we argue that a critical understanding of digital media from the perspectives of disability and intersectionality will offer generative insights for framing the terms and agenda of digital inclusion in the next decade. With a focus on the area of automated decision-making (ADM) in social and welfare services, we reflect upon the controversial 2015–2020 Australian government programme widely known as 'Robodebt' that recovers putative debts from support recipients – and we discuss implications for Indigenous Australians with disabilities in particular. We contrast the 'Robodebt' programme with explicit digital inclusion policy on disability in Australia, noting that such digital inclusion policy does not specifically acknowledge yet alone address ADM or other aspects of automation. Here, there is a major opportunity for overdue acknowledgement of disability and intersectionality to spur and shape an affirmative and just agenda on people with disabilities' digital inclusion, ADM and other associated areas of automated technologies.

In its 57 years of nationhood, Ghana witnessed 22 years of military rule, 6 years of one-party government and 29 years of democratic reign. Policy making under the one-party and military regimes was exclusionary with the rulers alone making public policies. Because the military and one-party regimes' approach to policy making was elitist and exclusionary this: left stakeholders with little or no opportunity to make input; failed to consider important constituencies and points of view; created implementation difficulties and raised questions surrounding the legitimacy of public decisions. In contrast, constitutional rule democratizes policy making; increases problem solution options; smoothens policy implementation; and legitimizes public decisions. Two cases: the Review of the 1992 Constitution and the Reform to the Social Security System are used to test this supposition. The evidence shows that a consensual approach to policy-making has emerged since Ghana's return to democratic rule in 1993. This paradigm shift has improved the design and implementation of public policies and programs in Ghana. Nevertheless, the situation is far from satisfactory because marginalized and unorganized groups still suffer alienation; official actors still have a stronger urge over non authoritative players in participatory episodes; and elected and appointed participants still have informational advantage over their non state counterparts. Together these minutiae adversely affect the quality and effectiveness of participation and this throws into question the legitimacy of the democratic governance project in Ghana.

Der Beitrag beschreibt bildungspoltische Maßnahmen von EU-Organen für die Kinder von Migranten, die Ende der 50er Jahre eingleitet wurden und dem Ziel einer erfolgreichen Integration dieser Kinder dienten. Im weiteren werden Fragen der Migration und Immigration unter politischen, sozialen und politischen Aspekten besprochen und Auswirkungen auf das Mit- und Gegeneinander der verschiedenen sozialen und nationalen Gruppierungen erörtert. (DIPF/St.).