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While the Netherlands is still struggling with the question of how serious and widespread the violence was in the Indonesian War of Independence, that history can be found everywhere in Indonesia. Monuments and burial grounds are the silent witnesses of the battle and the stories of the war are still circulating. Remco Raben and Peter Romijn argue in this book that the way the Netherlands has long viewed the war in Indonesia has its origins in the language and the manipulation of information during that war. They investigate the mentality of administration and politics in Indonesia and the Netherlands and trace the path that knowledge about violence has taken, from the villages and fields in Indonesia to the desks of administrators, politicians and journalists in the Netherlands. This book shows how the cover-up of violence in Indonesia worked. It explains why war crimes and other large-scale violence against the Indonesian population were tolerated, how the army was able to dominate the provision of information about the war, how administrative mechanisms and mentalities promoted the concealment, how Dutch politicians looked away, and how Indonesian voices were systematically were ignored.

In the Indonesian war of independence, which had a strong guerrilla war character, intelligence was decisive for achieving military successes. No wonder that the Netherlands and the Republic of Indonesia waged a fierce intelligence battle between 1945 and 1949. Nevertheless, not much is known about the personnel, organization and working methods of the Dutch military intelligence services, which were to function as the eyes and ears of the army. This study examines this violent confrontation for intelligence in detail. To what extent have the Dutch services used torture and other forms of extreme violence? And why? How accurate was the intelligence they gathered about the Indonesian forces? What effects did their reports have on Dutch actions in the field – and on the decision-making of higher echelons? The tug-of-war over the crucial cooperation of the population and the extremely violent or otherwise violent actions of the Indonesian intelligence services are also discussed. The course of the espionage war is explained based on the interactions between the Dutch and Indonesian services, which continuously tried to outsmart each other. This book shows that this grim and complex struggle behind the scenes had a major – and so far underexposed – impact on the Dutch-Indonesian war.

Lecturing the Dutch in public probably makes them more stubborn rather than less stubborn. And they are already stubborn enough,' wrote a British diplomat in July 1947. How did the United States, the United Kingdom and France view the Indonesian War of Independence in the period of 1945-1949? Did they show understanding for the Dutch political and military policies or rather for the Indonesian position, and in what ways did they try to influence the parties? Where did the Dutch get their military equipment to wage war in Indonesia? In 'Diplomatie en geweld', the authors show how other countries and the recently founded United Nations were involved in the Dutch-Indonesian conflict and how they helped determine its course and outcome. In doing so they focus not only on the political and diplomatic aspects of the struggle, but also on foreign views on the use of violence by the Dutch armed forces

During the Indonesian war of independence, reports of alleged war crimes by Dutch soldiers penetrated the Netherlands only sparsely. Even so, it was during the war that the first calls for an independent investigation into such reports were heard. After repeated calls from the Tweede Kamer, a commission of three lawyers was finally sent to Indonesia in October 1949 with the task of carrying out a non-judicial investigation into the allegations of extreme violence. For various reasons, this enquiry commission submitted reports on only two cases, which were only signed by two of the three commission members, Kees van Rij and Wim Stam. Until 1969, the existence of these reports remained hidden from parliament and the outside world. During the preparation of the 'Excessennota', the reports resurfaced and never filed reports on six other cases were found. All eight reports played a crucial role in the drafting of the note, while the report on South Sulawesi in particular would prove of great importance for the historiography of the war. Up until now, the reports by Van Rij and Stam had been hidden deep in the archives. This source publication, preceded by an extensive introduction, makes them accessible to a wider public for the first time.

On 17 August 1945, two days after the Japanese surrender that also brought an end to the Second World War in Asia, Indonesia declared its independence. The declaration was not recognized by the Netherlands, which resorted to force in its attempt to take control of the inevitable process of decolonization. This led to four years of difficult negotiations and bitter warfare. In 2005, the Dutch government declared that the Netherlands should never have waged the war. The government's 1969 position on the violence used by the Dutch armed forces during the war remained unchanged, however: although there had been 'excesses', on the whole the armed forces had behaved 'correctly'. As the indications of Dutch extreme violence mounted, this official position proved increasingly difficult to maintain. In 2016, the Dutch government therefore decided to fund a broad study on the dynamics of the violence. The most important conclusions of that research programme are summarized in this book. The authors show that the Dutch armed forces used extreme violence on a structural basis, and that this was concealed both at the time and for many years after the war by the Dutch government and by society more broadly. All of this – like the entire colonial history – is at odds with the rose-tinted self-image of the Netherlands.

The second and updated edition of this new study of the genesis of the Indonesian national state is based on the notion that the birth of that nation grew out of not only the liberation movement but also from the Dutch rule that the nationalists agitated against. The book places a clear emphasis on the ways in which Dutch rule was established in the Indonesian archipelago in the course of three centuries and examines the developments of Dutch colonial policies. This feeds into chapters that focus on the Indonesian nationalist movement and the Japanese occupation of the colony in 1942-1945. The occupation helped to enable the proclamation of Indonesian indepence and the creation of the Republic in August 1945. The conflict that erupted between the Repub-lic and the Netherlands was brought to an incomplete 'solution' in 1949, but the dis-pute about West-Irian led to a sequel that lasted for another thirteen years. More than half of this book is dedicated to the conflict and its aftermath. Much attention is paid to the sentiments and ideas that informed Dutch policy.

Various issues that have received scant attention in the historiography are now dis-cussed. The author based his study on Dutch and international literature, contemporary newspapers and policy documents, and his own memories. In the book's title, the stork represents the Dutch and the garuda functions as a symbol of Indonesia.

J. Herman Burgers (1926) worked at the Dutch Department of Foreign Affairs. He studied Law in Amsterdam and Political Science at Stanford University. He was deeply interested in the conflict between the Netherlands and the Republic of Indone-sia, as it broke out in 1945. This fascination has never left him, and he has continued to study the conflict and its aftermath, especially during the years 1948-1950 when he was in Indonesia for his Dutch military service.

For a long time, the war in Indonesia and the extreme violence used by the Dutch troops were not a subject that was much discussed or written about in the Netherlands. After the end of the war, the government made great efforts to avoid discussions about it or even to nip them in the bud. The revelations by East Indies veteran Joop Hueting in 1969 initially led to great commotion, resulting in the 'Excessennota' and the government position that the armed forces had behaved correctly, apart from a number of 'excesses'. That was it, until in recent decades more and more indications emerged that the armed forces had used extreme violence on a larger scale. Not only politicians but also journalists, historians and history teachers struggled with the violent decolonisation of Indonesia. The groups most affected, such as veterans, Moluccans and Indo-Europeans, were also reluctant for a long time to talk about their often bitter experiences in public. Finally, Indonesia also did not seem very interested in reviving this history of mutual violence. As a result, it was only very late, very cautiously and jerkily, that the war gained a place in the Dutch culture of remembrance.

Armed conflict; National liberation & independence, post-colonialism; Military history: post WW2 conflicts

The struggle for independence in Indonesia between 1945 and 1949 has literally and figuratively left its mark. Through images and text the authors take the reader along on their quest through people, objects and places in Indonesia and the Netherlands. This bilingual Indonesian/Dutch book focuses on the personal experiences of civilians and soldiers who experienced the conflict at close quarters. It reflects on how people from both countries look back on that time and how memories of it are kept alive or not. By doing so, the authors restore the human dimension to an intriguing history. What choices did witnesses and contemporaries make at the time, to whom did they remain loyal, and why? How do their experiences live on in the present and what meaning does this period have now, for themselves but also for others for whom this history is important

The Policy of Independence. The Background of a Crucial Phrase in Dutch Foreign Policy 1900-1940The phrase 'policy of independence' was coined by the Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs Van Karnebeek after the First World War. It has aroused a lot of discussion ever since. The phrase is often portrayed as sign of a change from a passive policy of neutrality to a much more active foreign policy. In this article the use of the phrase and the question of continuity or discontinuity are raised. This is done first of all on the basis of some crucial episodes from the First World War and subsequently the Dutch policy towards the German emperor and crown prince, Belgium and the League of Nations. This contribution argues that throughout those years the Dutch government pursued a policy characterized by activity and adopted an attitude that adhered to international law. Even before 1914 this approach was referred to as 'independent'. Thereafter, Van Karnebeek coined the phrase 'policy of independence' to give expression to this prevailing attitude.

The political map of Europe was transformed by the collapse of the Soviet Union & the reunification of Germany, ending four decades of stability & leading to new political configurations: the emergence of the independent Baltic states -- Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania -- with regional links not only to neighboring Russia but to Western Europe as well. The recent political history of the Baltic states is summarized, from their interwar independence to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact & their renewed independence in the early 1990s. Also discussed are postindependence demographic & social problems & prospects in the Baltics: the presence of large Russian minorities, language tests for citizenship, & the states' aspirations for European Union membership. The European Union has tried to serve as go-between for the region, & there are especially close & positive ties between the Baltic states & the Nordic countries. A. Siegel

A literature review shows that many feel a trend of individualization is occurring in the Netherlands. However, no clear definition of individualization has been established. Proceeding from the work of J. W. van Deth (1992), the definition of individualization as an increase in the number of persons with a postmaterialistic value orientation (ie, preferring autonomy, self-development, & emancipation over tradition, obedience, & personal wealth) is considered. The objection arises that the interest people show in material welfare is not closely tied to their striving for self-development & independence, & therefore not to their degree of individualism in values. Thus, a new definition for individualization is proposed focusing on independence, self-development, emancipation, & decreasing appreciation for tradition & obedience. Analysis of official statistical & electoral data from 1974 to 1989 showed that no individualization occurred over this period. Surprisingly, the degree of individualism displayed by value orientations actually decreased. 17 Figures, 3 Graphs. M. Meeks

A historical sketch is presented of how the relationship between Dutch political parties & newspapers has changed since the 1950s, when both relied on support from narrowly defined social class & religious groups. Depillarization & the emergence of a large segment of the electorate with variable party allegiance led to the independence of newspapers from political parties. Despite the diminished influence of newspapers on voting behavior during the 1980s, favorable newspaper comments toward a specific party correlate positively with a higher share of party voters among subscribers. It is concluded that, in contrast to the earlier situation, parties now are dependent on newspapers. 9 Tables, 1 Figure, 20 References. M. Meeks