INDEPENDENCE
In: The political quarterly, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 1-8
ISSN: 1467-923X
In: The political quarterly, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 1-8
ISSN: 1467-923X
In: Territory, politics, governance, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 269-296
ISSN: 2162-268X
In: The international & comparative law quarterly: ICLQ, Band 23, Heft 1, S. 199-201
ISSN: 1471-6895
The changes in the politics and economy of the United Kingdom in the last 35 years led the Scottish parties to seek more radical solutions for the long-lasting political discussions about the future of Scotland and to voice them unreservedly. After the campaigns, conventions, conversations, commissions, bills, and discussions about the future of Scotland in the 1980s, 1990s, 2000s, and 2010s, and after the Scottish National Party became fully and vigorously committed to and articulate about independence, an agreement between the Westminster government and Holyrood government was signed for a referendum on independence for Scotland which is to be held on 18 September 2014. In consideration of the contentment of the Scottish people with the devolved parliament, the looming uncertainty after independence, the unwillingness to go back to the condition in 1603 and the polls conducted on the outcome of the momentous referendum, a split-up seems unlikely
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The Supreme Court in carrying out the function of judicial power is carried out independently so that it is not possible for intervention from other parties that can affect its function. However, the independence of the Supreme Court has not been fully strung together in accordance with the concept of independence in the exercise of judicial power. This can be seen in the Supreme Court's budget, the amount of which is still determined by the government. This condition will certainly affect its independence, because the budget is a support for the Supreme Court in carrying out the functions of judicial power. In this discussion, the method used is normative juridical. The benefit of this research is that it can become a reference for the Supreme Court to form an independent budget pattern so that it can carry out its functions independently. The conclusion of this study is that the Supreme Court has not been able to carry out its functions independently as outlined in Article 24 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution, so it is necessary to change regulations by aligning the rules so that the Supreme Court can prepare its budget independently.
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How could political independence improve the health of Hawaiʻi's communities, waters, and lands? This article aims to catalyze conversations about what Hawaiian independence could look like in the twenty-first century and beyond.
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In: The Middle East journal, Band 10, Heft 3, S. 269
ISSN: 0026-3141
In: Pacific affairs, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 109
ISSN: 0030-851X
In: Pacific affairs, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 87
ISSN: 0030-851X
In: Foreign affairs, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 270
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: Foreign affairs, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 564
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: Foreign affairs, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 488
ISSN: 0015-7120
Unique to nineteenth-century Spain and Central America, the pronunciamiento can be interpreted as an act of insubordination against ruling authorities, which included a written document with a list of complaints or demands. The practice was almost always carried out by members of the army, but usually involved heavy participation by political and civilian sectors of society as well. The pronunciamiento more often than not contained a threat of military violence if the grievances of the pronunciados were not listened to; as a result, it carried with it the implicit consequence of armed revolt. The pronunciamiento was responsible for major political changes in early nineteenth-century Mexico and Yucatán, and was also one of the most powerful forces of political and societal destabilisation during this period. Indeed, the pronunciamiento was responsible for the establishment of federalist and centralist systems, changes of constitutions, and constant overthrows of presidents. This was also true on a smaller scale in Yucatán, as the pronunciamiento was not only used to depose governors and administrations, but was the key negotiatory mechanism between the Yucatecan and Mexican administrations; yucatecos resorted to the pronunciamiento to realise their secessions from and reunifications to Mexico throughout the early nineteenth century. The aim of this thesis is to expose the dynamic of the Yucatecan pronunciamiento. It will challenge the present depiction of the pronunciamiento as military exercise of destabilization, and will instead concentrate on exposing it as a highly intricate process of political representation and negotiation, at both local and national levels. This will not only contribute toward a greater understanding of pronunciamiento culture on a local and more general scale, but will also reveal a more comprehensive analysis of the socio-political and economic circumstances of nineteenth-century Yucatán. This in turn will aid in re-defining early nineteenth-century Mexico, questioning its traditional depiction as an age of "chaos", and instead exposing it as one dominated by political and ideological forces and factions, who used the pronunciamiento to express their beliefs and to negotiate for change.
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