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How could political independence improve the health of Hawaiʻi's communities, waters, and lands? This article aims to catalyze conversations about what Hawaiian independence could look like in the twenty-first century and beyond.

Annontatsion: Independence Day (colloquially the Fourth of July) is a federal holiday in the United States commemorating the Declaration of Independence of the United States, on July 4, 1776. The Continental Congress declared that the thirteen American colonies were no longer subject (and subordinate) to the monarch of Britain, King George III, and were now united, free, and independent states.[1] The Congress had voted to declare independence two days earlier, on July 2, but it was not declared until July 4.[1] Independence Day is commonly associated with fireworks, parades, barbecues, carnivals, fairs, picnics, concerts, baseball games, family reunions, political speeches, and ceremonies, in addition to various other public and private events celebrating the history, government, and traditions of the United States. Independence Day is the national day of the United States. Independence Day is a national holiday marked by patriotic displays. Similar to other summer-themed events, Independence Day celebrations often take place outdoors. Many politicians make it a point on this day to appear at a public event to praise the nation's heritage, laws, history, society, and people. According to 5 U.S.C. § 6103, Independence Day is a federal holiday, so all non-essential federal institutions (such as the postal service and federal courts) are closed on that day. While the legal holiday remains on July 4, if that date happens to be on a Saturday or Sunday, then federal government employees will instead take the day off on the adjacent Friday or Monday, respectively.[22] Families often celebrate Independence Day by hosting or attending a picnic or barbecue; many take advantage of the day off and, in some years, a long weekend to gather with relatives or friends. Decorations (e.g., streamers, balloons, and clothing) are generally colored red, white, and blue, the colors of the American flag. Parades are often held in the morning, before family get-togethers, while fireworks displays occur in the evening after dark at such ...

The changes in the politics and economy of the United Kingdom in the last 35 years led the Scottish parties to seek more radical solutions for the long-lasting political discussions about the future of Scotland and to voice them unreservedly. After the campaigns, conventions, conversations, commissions, bills, and discussions about the future of Scotland in the 1980s, 1990s, 2000s, and 2010s, and after the Scottish National Party became fully and vigorously committed to and articulate about independence, an agreement between the Westminster government and Holyrood government was signed for a referendum on independence for Scotland which is to be held on 18 September 2014. In consideration of the contentment of the Scottish people with the devolved parliament, the looming uncertainty after independence, the unwillingness to go back to the condition in 1603 and the polls conducted on the outcome of the momentous referendum, a split-up seems unlikely

##nofulltext## ; Judicial independence is one of the main pillars of a democratic society. However, this important concept has always been challenged by the so-called authoritarian regimes. This paper explores the development of judicial independence within the Turkish legal system and takes a closer look at the challenges that it has been facing over the last decade.

The democratic institutions, especially the electoral institutions for converting votes into seats that were chosen during independence negotiations, have been the key to democratic stability in Mauritius. These institutions emerged out of strategic bargaining structured around a combination of contextual and contingent variables. Conflicting political interests reflecting a combination of class, sectarian and communal interests influenced the institutional preferences of Mauritian elites involved in independence negotiations, leading them to converge on institutional designs that they expected would protect and promote those interests in the new democratic polity. Once in place, the new institutions represented equilibrium outcomes, creating incentives for all actors, engendering a learning curve in peaceful accommodation of inter-group conflicts, and establishing the political basis for social stability, democratic consolidation, and economic development.

The authors look at the Supreme Court's latest fully reasoned decision on independence in Canadian Pacific v. Matsqui, where native tribunals were found to be biased because of certain institutional characteristics. The authors argue that the court employs, on the one hand, a very simplified analysis of independence, but at the same time, sets standards for testing independence and bias in tribunals that are impossible to adequately quantify in practice. Neither the reasoning of Lamer C.J, nor Sopinka J. is adequate to address the full range of tribunal experience; in fact, the Supreme Court examines administrative tribunals as if they were simply smaller courts, without recognizing their inhere/If differences. Subsequent cases on this point have failed to take into account the differences in these opinions. The authors conclude by noting the complexity of issues regarding bias, such as institutional independence, and question the direction of Canadian jurisprudence in this area.

The Supreme Court in carrying out the function of judicial power is carried out independently so that it is not possible for intervention from other parties that can affect its function. However, the independence of the Supreme Court has not been fully strung together in accordance with the concept of independence in the exercise of judicial power. This can be seen in the Supreme Court's budget, the amount of which is still determined by the government. This condition will certainly affect its independence, because the budget is a support for the Supreme Court in carrying out the functions of judicial power. In this discussion, the method used is normative juridical. The benefit of this research is that it can become a reference for the Supreme Court to form an independent budget pattern so that it can carry out its functions independently. The conclusion of this study is that the Supreme Court has not been able to carry out its functions independently as outlined in Article 24 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution, so it is necessary to change regulations by aligning the rules so that the Supreme Court can prepare its budget independently.

Unique to nineteenth-century Spain and Central America, the pronunciamiento can be interpreted as an act of insubordination against ruling authorities, which included a written document with a list of complaints or demands. The practice was almost always carried out by members of the army, but usually involved heavy participation by political and civilian sectors of society as well. The pronunciamiento more often than not contained a threat of military violence if the grievances of the pronunciados were not listened to; as a result, it carried with it the implicit consequence of armed revolt. The pronunciamiento was responsible for major political changes in early nineteenth-century Mexico and Yucatán, and was also one of the most powerful forces of political and societal destabilisation during this period. Indeed, the pronunciamiento was responsible for the establishment of federalist and centralist systems, changes of constitutions, and constant overthrows of presidents. This was also true on a smaller scale in Yucatán, as the pronunciamiento was not only used to depose governors and administrations, but was the key negotiatory mechanism between the Yucatecan and Mexican administrations; yucatecos resorted to the pronunciamiento to realise their secessions from and reunifications to Mexico throughout the early nineteenth century. The aim of this thesis is to expose the dynamic of the Yucatecan pronunciamiento. It will challenge the present depiction of the pronunciamiento as military exercise of destabilization, and will instead concentrate on exposing it as a highly intricate process of political representation and negotiation, at both local and national levels. This will not only contribute toward a greater understanding of pronunciamiento culture on a local and more general scale, but will also reveal a more comprehensive analysis of the socio-political and economic circumstances of nineteenth-century Yucatán. This in turn will aid in re-defining early nineteenth-century Mexico, questioning its traditional depiction as an age of "chaos", and instead exposing it as one dominated by political and ideological forces and factions, who used the pronunciamiento to express their beliefs and to negotiate for change.

It is investigational as in a modern cultural situation a self-education gives an opportunity to social independence and independence of personality. It is marked that the mod- ern system of education is oriented to activity of personality, on independence in the choice of subjects and time of mastering of information. It is shown as a democratic type of or- ganization of self-education deprives personality of dependence and allows to go out her on the new level of spiritual freedom in realization of creative potential.

The issue of the defining elements of a truly fair justice system has become a constant and consistent concern of international and/or regional political and legal organisations. Given the scale of the phenomenon of establishing and resorting to international courts and tribunals, reflecting, among others, the preference and availability of international actors for settling their disputes by independent and impartial decision-makers, the principles and values of the international judiciary have been subjected to discussions in an increasingly elaborate manner. Among these, judicial independence occupies a special position, being tightly connected to the issue of the legitimacy of such institutions, as an essential factor in ensuring voluntary compliance to the internationally adopted decisions. In this context, the present paper addresses the independence of the judiciary in international courts, both in terms of the fundamental theoretical contributions and from a practical perspective, by following the institutional provisions and guarantees for ensuring an independent and impartial judiciary in the statutes of two of the most relevant international courts, namely the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court.

"Féte del l'Indépendance Américaine a Paris le 4 Juillet 1918 (4 Année de Guerre). American Independence Day in Paris. July 4th 1918 (4th Year of War)." ; https://digital.kenyon.edu/arthistorystudycollection/1411/thumbnail.jpg

Legislation introduced in the U.S. in 2002/2003 significantly changed board composition of public firms by imposing a 50% independent directors' ratio. Research on the effect of independent directors is not consensual, implying that this exogenous shock is a unique opportunity to study their importance. This study answers the question of whether or not independent directors can effectively mitigate agency conflicts between shareholders and the management, having a positive impact on the choice of successful R&D projects. We find that an increase of board independence has a positive impact on patent counts. Hence, the results support that independent directors truly spur innovation and risk taking. ; UNL - NSBE

Without doubt, economy is among the determinant factors of states' existence, citizens' welfare and general development; without vibrant supporting economy, states and individuals' visions and missions would continue to be distant objectives if not unattainable. However, historical approach and political analysis- the two inextricable phenomena could be relied upon as the guiding principle in order to define states and understand states economy in the third world and how it was affected as a result of several underlying issues that continue to shape and direct the course of the economy of the states in the third world. It would be in line with the aforementioned scene that this research would focus and delve as to show and justify with facts as to why third world states continue to grapple with economic uncertainty, stagnation, backwardness and crisis in general to the extent they remain as conduits supporting economically developed states acting as metropolis despite been politically independent for decades.

The first association one gets when thinking about independence in is that independence is good. We all want to be independent and free. For me, coming form Slovenia, this feeling is perhaps even deeper. Slovenia regained its independence after a thousand years of being ruled by Germans, Austrians, Italians, Hungarians and Serbs. Nevertheless, we have always cherished the fact that we are different and have tried hard to maintain our independence as much as possible. What is interesting is that even though it took us a thousand years to reach independence, we are now trying very hard to join the European union. We are trading our independence for a value of belonging to EU. And the feelings of pride that we are achieving its standards are comparable to the feelings of pride when we became independent from Yugoslavia. This is a strange contradiction. When I lecture about independence to medical students, I do that in a context of family as a unit of care. I try to describe family as a system and how it develops over time and the problems it faces during various stages. I can not do that without addressing the systems theory, which is very useful in describing complex systems. ; peer-reviewed

"Fète de l'Indépendance Américaine a Paris, le 4 Juillet 1918 (4 Année de Guerre). La Tribune officielle. American Independence Day in Paris, July 4th, 1918 (4th Year of War)." ; https://digital.kenyon.edu/arthistorystudycollection/1548/thumbnail.jpg