This text presents the special issue Beauty contests in Latin America published in the Journal de la Société des Américanistes from a series of themes - ethnicity, gender, beauty, political representation, patrimonialization - that appear through all the articles of this issue. The diversity of the references discussed here is intended to suggest new reflections and to provoke resonance within this little-explored research object at the crossroads of performance, politics, aesthetics and gender. Indeed, the articles in this special issue show that, in beauty pageants, the celebration of beauty involves a mastery of the representations of a collective identity and the production of gendered identities, while articulating some paradigmatic oppositions of the social organizations involved, such as the "masculine" and "feminine" poles, "tradition" and "modernity", the "Indigenous" and the "White". ; Available at: https://journals.openedition.org/jsa/14915
Cet article attribue la prise de position du président Mbeki sur la question du VIH-Sida - en particulier son rejet de la thérapie antirétroviral - à une combinaison de facteurs politiques et idéologiques. Outre les considérations budgétaires, qui ont pesé de manière centrale, entraient également en compe la politique d'inigénité et un refus postcolonial de ce qui est perçu comme une domination de la science et du capitaisme occidentaux (via les entreprises pharmaceutiques) au détriment des Africains. Cet article conclut en considérent les réponses apportées par les mouvements sociaux et intellectuels émergents en Afrique de Sud, et la problématique postcoloniale à laquelle ils font face, eux aussi. (Pol afr/GIGA)
International audience ; Les Aborigènes Noongars du Sud-Ouest australien ont entrepris de faire valoir leurs droits fonciers coutumiers et d'améliorer leur situation sociale, économique et politique. Dans un contexte marqué par la méfiance de l'État australien vis-à-vis de la catégorie universelle de « peuples autochtones », une majorité de Noongars se tiennent à l'écart, du moins en apparence, des discours internationaux sur l'autochtonie. Ils défendent leur droit à l'autodétermination et l'idée d'une nation noongar intégrée à la nation australienne, énonçant ainsi le principe d'une souveraineté interne, concrétisant leur agencéité dans l'État australien. À l'inverse, certains Noongars se rattachent clairement aux discours internationaux et réclament la reconnaissance de leur souveraineté sur leurs terres ancestrales, sans jamais vraiment définir ce que cela signifie pour eux. L'analyse des divers processus de revendication des Noongars contribue à enrichir les réflexions sur l'autochtonie en tant que catégorie politique et contingente conduisant à des interprétations divergentes, voire contradictoires. Elle permet de réfuter l'idée d'une autochtonie ancrée dans le passé en montrant que les identités autochtones sont résolument contemporaines, constamment négociées à l'aune du contexte néolibéral dans laquelle elles sont immergées. ; The Noongars, the Aboriginal people from the South West of Western Australia, have demonstrated an ongoing exercise of asserting claim to their traditional land along with improving their social, economic and political situation. In a context marked by the mistrust of the Australian state relating to the universal definition for "Indigenous peoples", a majority of Noongars stay out of the international discourses on indigeneity, at least in appearance. They defend the idea of a Noongar nation within the Australian nation by mentioning the principle of internal sovereignty with the aim to carry out their agency in the Australian state. However, some Noongars clearly appeared to be attracted by the content of these international discourses with the claim for recognition of sovereignty over their ancestral lands. The study of the Noongars' various claims help to enrich the sociological views of indigeneity, as a political and contingent category leading to divergent or even contradictory interpretations. It allows us to refute the idea of an indigeneity anchored in the past by showing that Indigenous identities are resolutely contemporary, constantly being negotiated about in the light of the neoliberal context in which they are immersed.
This paper explores the social and political history of Jos from the colonial period to the 2007 elections to explain changing patterns of violence in the city. It is argued that the current salience of indigeneity and religion relates to shifts in the configuration of Northern Nigerian and Plateau politics since the First Republic. The Jos crisis of September 2001 is described and compared to previous violent episodes in the city. It is shown that from 1999 to 2007 the corruption, venality and factional divisions of elites reached unprecedented levels, further sharpening ethnic and religious cleavages. (Pol afr/GIGA)
National audience ; The vocabulary and practices of "Spiritual Warfare" began to spread in Evangelical circles at the end of 1980s and the early 1990s, under the influence of American missiologists. It first aimed to struggle against the secularisation of Western societies – especially in big cities – and finally gave birth to a global movement that brought decisive changes in Pentecostals/Charismatics' relation with territory, cultural identities and politics.Spiritual Warfare contributes to a reterritorialization of the Pentecostal/Charismatic imaginary, especially through Spiritual Mapping practices involving the exploration of space and history in order to identify "spiritual strongholds", "gates" and "keys" which determine the outcome of this "war of spiritual liberation" of cities and nations.This return of territory goes with a new Charismatic representation of indigeneity, which notably draws on anthropological readings, as the theologians of Spiritual Warfare aim to take "more seriously the worldviews of non-western traditional societies" that deal with territorial spirits (Ediger). This reshaping of the symbolical bound between the individual and the territory results in recognizing indigenous peoples as the "Gate Keepers" of their native territories.Political activism inspired by this Charismatic ideology fights for the establishment of "Christian nations", a political ideology in which the defense of "indigeneity" (also understood as national identity) and Christian identity tends to contradict the building of pluralist and democratic societies based on the recognition of religious and cultural diversity.Based on fieldwork in Europe, Pacific Islands and Asia, this chapter examines different kinds of Evangelical activism inspired by the theology of Spiritual Warfare, to clarify the issues at stakes relating to this Charismatic globalization. ; Le thème du « combat spirituel » (Spiritual Warfare) s'est diffusé dans les milieux charismatiques au tournant des années 1980-90, sous l'impulsion de ...
This thesis concerns Indigenous agency, socio-political and cultural systems, and their reproduction by means of performances within the contemporary Australian state. It examines the cultural politics of Indigeneity developed by Kimberley Aboriginal people through their regional organisations. It presents an ethnographic study of Indigenous modes of representation and organisation based on fieldwork carried out with the Kimberley Aboriginal Law and Culture Centre, a grass-roots Indigenous regional organisation federating thirty distinct groups, between 2005 and 2007. As such, the thesis gives particular attention to contemporary Indigenous practices of cultural representation and political action. The study aims at providing an anthropological understanding of the continuing cultural and political salience of the difference between Aboriginal people and Kartiyas. Engaging with the concept and practice of Law and Culture, initial research questions have been reframed in terms of the reproduction of the Kimberley as a set of Indigenous countries. Developing a relational approach, using a regional and a local perspective, the thesis provides with accounts of the relational field of interdependencies between the Australian State and its Indigenous habitants. Experiential and historical constructions of Country, cultural logics of Indigenous ritual and political agency, processes of indigenisation of the Australian modernity and current models of Indigenous sustainable development in the Kimberley are successively examined in order to allow for a processual and performative understanding of Indigenous articulations of their subjectivity, agency and identity. The thesis develops a theoretical framework discussing intercultural and ontological models of Indigeneity and argues for a territorialising and performative approach to the definition of Indigenous singularities, drawing on the Indigenous concepts of Country and Law and Culture to frame anew notions of orality, culture and land. ; Cette thèse interroge les ...
This thesis concerns Indigenous agency, socio-political and cultural systems, and their reproduction by means of performances within the contemporary Australian state. It examines the cultural politics of Indigeneity developed by Kimberley Aboriginal people through their regional organisations. It presents an ethnographic study of Indigenous modes of representation and organisation based on fieldwork carried out with the Kimberley Aboriginal Law and Culture Centre, a grass-roots Indigenous regional organisation federating thirty distinct groups, between 2005 and 2007. As such, the thesis gives particular attention to contemporary Indigenous practices of cultural representation and political action. The study aims at providing an anthropological understanding of the continuing cultural and political salience of the difference between Aboriginal people and Kartiyas. Engaging with the concept and practice of Law and Culture, initial research questions have been reframed in terms of the reproduction of the Kimberley as a set of Indigenous countries. Developing a relational approach, using a regional and a local perspective, the thesis provides with accounts of the relational field of interdependencies between the Australian State and its Indigenous habitants. Experiential and historical constructions of Country, cultural logics of Indigenous ritual and political agency, processes of indigenisation of the Australian modernity and current models of Indigenous sustainable development in the Kimberley are successively examined in order to allow for a processual and performative understanding of Indigenous articulations of their subjectivity, agency and identity. The thesis develops a theoretical framework discussing intercultural and ontological models of Indigeneity and argues for a territorialising and performative approach to the definition of Indigenous singularities, drawing on the Indigenous concepts of Country and Law and Culture to frame anew notions of orality, culture and land. ; Cette thèse interroge les ...
This collection of urban studies research and interpretation crosses the country from Quebec to B.C., comparing trends and perspectives over the past decade and across and beyond disciplines. Core questions of research, policy and practice facing Montreal and Vancouver—those featuring housing and transportation, in particular—are featured in terms of new and innovative directions. Emerging questions—about urban indigeneity, food systems, climate action—are broached in challenging ways. The twenty authors whose original work is compiled here demonstrate the scope for continued, critical, comparative conversation across francophone and anglophone divides. The book offers a significant resource for understanding the intersecting field and practice of urban studies in Quebec and in B.C. and for spurring its further evolution. A French version of this book is also available
In the Moroccan Sahara, a series of Nwaji tribesmen are touristic entrepreneurs that organize desert treks for tourists, and commonly legitimize their activity by claiming to be indigenous. Examining the way they simultaneously manipulate various ethnonyms and develop a cultural heritage that is disputed by different local groups contesting their "authenticity", this article shows how this indigeneity is fabricated through various mobilities and "metissages". Organizing tourist circuits actually encourages emigration to Europe and the development of NGOs for the defence of nomadism. The latter contribute to the dissemination of stereotypes concerning the "last nomads of the Sahara", and to the recognition of a cultural and political identity on the local, national and transnational levels. Adopting the allegorical name of "Blue Men", the Nwaji guides can finally define themselves and be recognized as indigenous. Adapted from the source document.
Le texte de la conférence a été publié dans la lettre d'information N°47 de l'APRAS - printemps 2012 ; La 19ème Conférence Robert Hertz, à l'invitation de l'Association pour la Recherche en Anthropologie Social (APRAS), prononcée par Irène Bellier concerne l'émergence dans l'espace politique de la catégorie des peuples autochtones, une catégorie avec laquelle l'anthropologie française entretient des relations délicates alors que l'anthropologie anglo-saxonne débat depuis longtemps des questions d''indigeneity'. La réflexion proposée concerne les tensions entre " l'indigène " pris dans un rapport singularisé, et " les peuples " comme collectif pluralisé. Conférence publiée in : Lettre de l'APRAS N°47, 2012, pp. 6-17, avec une introduction de Sophie Blanchy
International audience ; This article analyzes the way through which indigenous peoples in the Pacific region are mobilized and/or recognized by STates. This analysis brings forward a double ambivalence: in the institutional and legal forms of recognition on the one hand; in the processes of decolonization on the other hand. Indigeneity thus appears as one souirce of political discourse and mobilization among others (independence, decolonization, autonomy). Its efficacy needs to be interrogated with regard to the political and historical processes that structure its emergence as an international category of law. ; Cet article analyse la manière dont les peuples autochtones, en tant que catégorie du droit international, sont saisis et mobilisés dans le Pacifique non francophone. Cette analyse fait apparaître une double ambivalence qui structure l'argumentation : ambivalence des formes institutionnelle de reconnaissance d'une part; ambivalence des processus de décolonisation de l'autre. L'autochtonie apparaît dès lors comme un registre de mobilisation politique parmi d'autres dans le Pacifique, (indépendance, décolonisation, autonomie, etc.) son efficacité devant être interrogée au regard des processus politiques et historiques qui la structurent.
International audience ; This article was published as part of a collective work focused on the concept of " autochtonie " providing analyses on the "genealogies of the concept," "Indigenous Peoples and the State" and "indigenous self-representations ", through a confrontation of views from France and Quebec. This article looks at three aspects of the affirmation of " autochtonie " at the international level. Firstly by analysing terminological changes, particularly the expression " peuples autochtones ", marking the recognition of indigenous peoples as political actors. The article then discusses the legal dimension-Which set of human rights are being claimed here? - Considering the issue through three concepts: the right to self-determination, the link between identity and collective ownership of land and thirdly the connection between individual human rights and collective human rights. Finally it examines the institutional procedures and international mechanisms that could lead to changes in the political status of indigenous peoples. ; Cet article est issu d'un ouvrage collectif consacré au concept d'autochtonie qui explore notamment les " généalogies du concept", " les autochtones et l'Etat " et les " représentations de soi comme autochtones ", à travers des regards croisés France/Québec. Il aborde la construction de l' " autochtonie " au niveau international sous trois angles. Il évoque d'abord les évolutions terminologiques - notamment celle de peuples autochtones - qui témoignent de la reconnaissance des autochtones comme acteurs politiques. Il se penche ensuite la dimension juridique -Quels sont les droits humains qui sont ici revendiqués? - en envisageant la question à travers trois concepts : le droit à l'autodétermination, le lien entre identité et propriété collective des terres ainsi que le rapport entre droits humains individuels et droits humains collectifs. Enfin, il examine les modalités institutionnelles et les mécanismes internationaux susceptibles d'induire des changements dans la condition ...
This research uses a post-colonial feminist lens to investigate how development towards gender equality and equity can be promoted alongside processes of decolonisation in Kanaky-New Caledonia. In particular, it explores the ways that Kanak women in the pro-independence movement negotiate gender and indigeneity, and how these interactions subsequently influence society and the movement. Three key themes emerged from this research: violence, gender roles within the customary context compared to the western political context, and the responsive strategies that women employ. Issues raised related to violence focus on: physical violence related to political unrest, removal of self-determination, racial gaslighting around independence negotiations, gender and racial discrimination, and physiological and mental health. This thesis finds that Kanak women have different roles in customary contexts compared to political contexts. This thesis subsequently investigates how Kanak women experience and interpret these roles and highlights links and disconnects between gender roles and experiences in these two spheres. Tensions and negotiations between the customary sphere and the political sphere become very clear in institutions like the Customary Senate which occupies a place between the customary sphere and the Western political sphere. The Kanak women independence activist participants in this research utilise a plethora of strategies to navigate challenges they face in the customary sphere, in wider society, and within the independence movement. This indicates significant self-mobilisation of Kanak women towards gender equitable social change, which development actors should value and support. This research emphasises the intersectionality of Kanak women's experiences, the importance of self-determination to gender and development strategies, and the value of recognising and supporting self-mobilisation. Based on these research findings this thesis argues that decolonisation and decoloniality are integral to gender-focused development.
National audience ; The vocabulary and practices of "Spiritual Warfare" began to spread in Evangelical circles at the end of 1980s and the early 1990s, under the influence of American missiologists. It first aimed to struggle against the secularisation of Western societies – especially in big cities – and finally gave birth to a global movement that brought decisive changes in Pentecostals/Charismatics' relation with territory, cultural identities and politics.Spiritual Warfare contributes to a reterritorialization of the Pentecostal/Charismatic imaginary, especially through Spiritual Mapping practices involving the exploration of space and history in order to identify "spiritual strongholds", "gates" and "keys" which determine the outcome of this "war of spiritual liberation" of cities and nations.This return of territory goes with a new Charismatic representation of indigeneity, which notably draws on anthropological readings, as the theologians of Spiritual Warfare aim to take "more seriously the worldviews of non-western traditional societies" that deal with territorial spirits (Ediger). This reshaping of the symbolical bound between the individual and the territory results in recognizing indigenous peoples as the "Gate Keepers" of their native territories.Political activism inspired by this Charismatic ideology fights for the establishment of "Christian nations", a political ideology in which the defense of "indigeneity" (also understood as national identity) and Christian identity tends to contradict the building of pluralist and democratic societies based on the recognition of religious and cultural diversity.Based on fieldwork in Europe, Pacific Islands and Asia, this chapter examines different kinds of Evangelical activism inspired by the theology of Spiritual Warfare, to clarify the issues at stakes relating to this Charismatic globalization. ; Le thème du « combat spirituel » (Spiritual Warfare) s'est diffusé dans les milieux charismatiques au tournant des années 1980-90, sous l'impulsion de missiologues nord-américains. Inspiré à l'origine par une volonté de lutter contre la sécularisation des sociétés occidentales – et plus particulièrement les grandes agglomérations urbaines – il a donné naissance à un mouvement globalisé, porteur de plusieurs ruptures décisives dans le rapport pentecôtiste/charismatique au territoire, aux identités culturelles et à la politique.En premier lieu, le « combat spirituel » contribue à une reterritorialisation de l'imaginaire pentecôtiste/charismatique, notamment à travers des pratiques de « cartographie spirituelle » (Spiritual Mapping) consistant à explorer l'espace et l'histoire afin d'identifier les « bastions », les « portes » et les « clés » dont dépend l'issue de cette « guerre de libération spirituelle » des villes et des nations. Ce retour du territoire s'accompagne d'un nouveau discours charismatique sur l'autochtonie : s'inspirant notamment de la littérature anthropologique, les théoriciens du « combat spirituel » entendent en effet « prendre au sérieux les conceptions des sociétés traditionnelles non-occidentales » (Ediger) relatives aux esprits territoriaux. Cette reconfiguration des liens symboliques entre individu et territoire les conduit à accorder aux peuples autochtones un statut de « gardiens spirituels » (Gate Keepers) des territoires.L'engagement politique qui découle de cette idéologie charismatique vise l'instauration de « nations chrétiennes », un idéal politique dans lequel la défense de l'autochtonie et de l'identité chrétienne tendent à s'opposer au développement de sociétés démocratiques plurielles fondées sur la reconnaissance des diversités culturelles et religieuses.En combinant plusieurs terrains de recherche (en Europe, en Océanie et en Asie) et en analysant différents types d'actions militantes inspirées par la théologie du « combat spirituel », cette communication éclairera les principaux enjeux de cette globalisation charismatique.