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This study's main concern is with the growth of Communism within Burma, Thailand, Malaya, Indonesia, Indochina, and the Philippines. The author explores the origin and fate of these indigenous movements, their role in domestic politics and relationship to the metropolitan parties (in the case of colonial dependencies) and to the Soviet Union, and their success or failure under the conditions of independence. He also assesses the influence of Communist experience in China, the formation of Russian policy in Southeast Asia, and the policies of the domestic Communist parties. Originally published in 1966. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

The Russian Old Believer and sectarian movement, as it appears in history, can be thought of, in anthropological terms, as a nativistic movement: that is, a movement of resistance to outside (in this case Western) cultural influence, and a reaffirmation and renewal of the native culture. In this sense, the movement comprised Old Believers, with or without priests, and an assemblage of sects of indigenous origin—Dukhobors, Subbotniki, Molokans, Skoptsy, and others. During the first period of its existence, the Old Believer and sectarian movement, besides being a nativistic movement, was at the same time a focus of resistance to the regime, as any form of religious dissidence must be under an essentially theocratic state.

IN recent years a good deal of attention has been focused on the Vlasov movement as an outstanding example of "Soviet opposition to Stalin" and as a wartime opportunity (largely missed by Germany) to utilize defectors and prisoners for military as well as political propaganda purposes. One important facet of the Vlasov problem has eluded systematic investigation: the reaction of the Soviet authorities to the movement. The themes employed in their campaign to reduce the political force of the Vlasov challenge provide some insight into their political behavior under the stress of indigenous opposition.

Largely because of the physical nature of the country, New Guinea is one of the few countries where `primitive cultures' still exist. For the most part it is still terra incognita. Acculturation in Western New Guinea has been occurring under Dutch influence, while in the east, Anglo-Saxon & German influences have been operating. In the former, Westernization is taking place at an accelerating rate. This means that the future of the indigenous cultures is very limited. The task of Australia & the Netherlands in relation to New Guinea is expressed in the UN Charter: 'to ensure the pol'al, econ, soc,. & educ'al advancement of the peoples under their rule....' Though the controlling Western powers are obliged to have due respect for the cultures of the people concerned, they will often be compelled to interfere with the Papuan cultural pattern. Contact with the West has resulted in other types of consequences as venereal disease, Spanish influenza, the break-up of families, lower birth rates due to the contractual labor system, & general soc & cultural disorg. Christianization itself means the decline of Papuan cultures. The disappointments & frustrations encountered by Papuans trying to attain the ways of the Western world have resulted in the rise of `cargo cults' & Messianic movements. Much anthrop'al field work is already being done in New Guinea, but there are needs for increased budgets. Perhaps the best means for anthrop'ts to cooperate with gov'al admin'tors would be to establish both in Holland & Australia a sci'fic body to act as a liason between the administration's & the res institutions concerned. This would allow coordination of res efforts, budgetary allocations, & publication of findings. B. J. Keeley.

Under the Dutch regime the Europeans in Indonesia controlled gov & business, while the native aristocracy ran local gov. Leadership depended on a fusion of concepts held by Western rulers & native ruled. The Nationalist Movement became powerful when Islam was fertilized by Modernist ideas. The Japanese occupation was rather similar to the Dutch regime, though on return the Dutch faced greater numbers of Indonesians able to manipulate Western techniques of gov. The present Indonesian social structure is different in that the weapon of coercion as well as the gov are now indigenous. This affects many spheres of action. Europeans have retained business though it is now controlled by the indigenous gov. While politically Indonesia is a unitary state, socially it is a federation of groups of leaders formed into parties. The transfer of allegiance from persons & parties to the State will take time. The ruling group is today still largely self-recruiting, which may be a danger for the future. Much will depend on Indonesia's econ in the next few yrs. (IPSA).

Among the various forms of indigenous political activity in Africa today, that of the nationalist parties of the British West African colonies is perhaps the most prominent. In the Gold Coast and Nigeria these parties have almost achieved self-government for their territories; they now form the government or opposition parties in elected parliaments. They should be clearly distinguished from other types of nationalist movements, such as nativistic uprisings or syncretist movements of religious or tribal associations. As Coleman says: "African nationalism is not merely a peasant revolt …. Where it is most advanced [it] has been sparked and led by the so-called detribalized, Western-educated, middle-class intellectuals and professional Africans; by those who in terms of improved status and material standards of living have benefited most from colonialism; in short, by those who have come closest to the Western World but have been denied entry on full terms of equality." Many of the members of these nationalist parties had, in their acceptance of a European style of life, turned their backs on the politically inert peasant mass from which they had risen, although in recent years there has been a growing interest on the part of the intellectuals in indigenous culture and history. In other parts of the world, such parties achieved power through revolution; in West Africa, the British colonial governments, in collaboration with these parties, drew up new constitutions and the party members were elected to power by ballot. To retain power the politicians have had to take party politics to the smallest towns and villages, where even nationalism had scarcely existed.

Fixed attitudes toward literature in Latin America display a consistent tendency to become unfixed in relatively short order. This is particularly true in the case of fiction dealing with Indian themes.During the 1930s and the following decade, a number of diverse factors coincided to encourage cultivation of this facet of the Latin-American novel, in a manner quite different from nineteenth-century romantics who had glorified and idealized a remote, unreal indigenous past. Mounting socio-economic pressures, newly-awakened political movements, a widespread national consciousness, strengthened among novelists by the successes of the criollista writers of the 1920's (Gallegos, Güiraldes, Rivera) — all combined to encourage concentration on the Indian as a social problem.

The most recent history of the Philippines makes no reference to guerrilla activities or the resistance movement in Negros, although brief comments are included about the rest of the Bisayas. Yet Negrenses, both indigenous and "adopted," have been unusually active in recording the history of their island during the war years. Recently two additional books were added to the expanding literature on wartime Negros. Since 1946 seven books have been published (one is a mimeographed monograph) on this broad topic for Negros. Unfortunately, many of these sources have not been utilized in more general accounts of occupied Philippines. Probably there is more material on this historic period for Negros than the rest of the Bisayas, with the exception of Leyte.

A true revolution occurred in Bolivia in 1952, and its consequences continue to be strongly felt. The revo lution triggered such extreme measures as nationalization of the tin mines, agrarian reform, neutralization of the army, and universal franchise, but the leaders of the revolutionary Na tionalistic Revolutionary Movement are essentially moderates. The economic consequences of the revolution have been a seri ous inflation and declining productivity. The major accom plishment has been social—the integration of the majority of the population speaking indigenous languages into the social and political life of the nation. This resulted more from the self-assertion of that mass than from the actions of the revo lutionary government. The Nationalistic Revolutionary Move ment was early sympathetic to national socialism, but it was rejected by a popular revolt in 1946. Succeeding governments were unable to preserve order and the second accession of the Nationalistic Revolutionary Movement to power in 1952 was the alternative to anarchy. The Indian population organized syndicates independent of the government and forced enact ment of an agrarian reform. The government now has the allegiance of the Indians and miners, but its maintenance is made difficult by an economic stabilization plan. After eight years, Bolivia is still a democracy, but it requires assistance to continue to reject the apparent advantages of totalitarianism.

On January 16,1948, the United States High Commissioner for Austria (Keyes) proposed to the other members of the Allied Commission the restoration to the Austrian Government of numerous controls previously exercised by the Commission. To assist the Austrian Government in assuming such controls as soon as possible, the United States suggested that the Directorates of the Commission examine the controls within their spheres of authority and decide which might be passed to the government. Functions suggested for transfer under the United States proposal included: civil aviation; allocation of food and electric power; control of the movement and distribution of indigenous food supplies; control over travel into and out of Austria; administration of the educational system; control of the operation, arming and equipping of Austrian police and frontier control agencies; and internal and international communications. The United States also proposed a reduction of occupation costs and occupation forces and the abolition of censorship.

There are over three million Negro teen-agers in the United States, three-fourths of whom live in the South. Their position in the American social structure is decisively conditioned by race, inferiority, deprivation, and youthfulness. Within Negro society, they are differentiated into high-prestige and low-prestige categories on the basis of contrasting cultural heritages. Negro teen-age culture is a melange of general adolescent patterns and unique ethnic practices. Two modes of aggression tend to distinguish this group of teen-agers. Low-prestige youths exhibit unusual personal aggression; the college teen-agers have created the racial protest movement. Racial protest takes several forms and constitutes one of the most positive elements of current American teen-age culture. Negro teen-age behavior is an indigenous part of the American cultural heritage. Future developments, like current mani festations, are likely to be conditioned by social trends already in evidence. Among other things there will be measurable increase of the protest theme. It is to be hoped that the protest will continue to be disciplined and constructive.

The US 1965 Immigration Act, effectively a substitution of skill discrimination for racial discrimination, although morally superior to the former Act, may have bad side-effects. In the 19th cent, large-scale movements of LF from overpopulated countries to areas where labor was scarce benefited both the sending & the receiving countries. The modern pattern, however, shows a reversal of the flow: skilled labor & sci'fic personnel are moving from the less prosperous countries to the 4 richest nations in the world, & esp to the US. Europe & Asia are both affected by this 'brain drain' of many persons whose training was financed by their native gov's. The reverse flow of experts & technical assistance from the rich to the underdeveloped countries is an imperfect substitute for the cumulative benefits of indigenous res. When a country absorbs migrants educated at public expense abroad, there is no reason why they should not be considered items in a capital balance of payments. If physical capital must be paid for, why should publicly financed human capital be received free? Other ways to overcome the imbalance might be less emphasis on student migration in technical assistance or an obligation on students receiving public grants to remain in or return to their own countries. HA.

The United States 1965 Immigration Act, effectively a substitution of skill discrimination for racial discrimination, although morally superior to the former Act, may have bad side-effects. In the nineteenth century, large-scale movements of labor force from overpopulated countries to areas where labor was scarce benefited both the sending and the receiving countries. The modern pattern, however, shows a reversal of the flow—skilled labor and scientific personnel are moving from the less prosperous countries to the four richest nations in the world, and especially to the United States. Europe and Asia are both affected by this "brain drain" of many persons whose training was financed by their respective native governments. The reverse flow of experts and technical assistance from the rich to the underdeveloped countries is an imperfect substitute for the cumulative benefits of indigenous research. When a country absorbs migrants educated at public expense abroad, there is no reason why they should not be considered items in a capital balance of payments. If physical capital must be paid for, why should publicly financed human capital be received free? Other ways to overcome the imbalance might be less emphasis on student migration in technical assistance or an obligation on students receiving public grants to remain in or return to their own countries.—Ed.

A letter from Dmitrii Blagoev, Bulgarian Social Democrat and later leader of the Communist Party of Bulgaria, has been preserved in the archive of A. N. Potresov at the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam. In reply to an inquiry fromD. Kol'tsov, who was preparing a Russian edition of Alphonse Thun's well-known history of the Russian revolutionary movement, Blagoev wrote twelve pages describing his activity in 1883–85 as a member of the first significant Social Democratic circle in Russia. Kol'tsov published extracts from the letter in his edition of Thun, including the Social Democratic program which Blagoev had published in Bulgaria subsequent to his expulsion from Russia in 1885. Kol'tsov's pen, however, struck out some of the more interesting biographical passages, and corrected Blagoev's good, if somewhat erratic Russian. It is particularly interesting to note Blagoev's references to the intellectual bases for a socialist Weltanschauung in the middle 1880's: Lassalle, Lavrov and Chernyshevskii appear beside Marx in the posts of honor. No less interesting is the question which Blagoev raised in this letter – whether the lack of clarity of Socialist views in 1885 was connected in any way with the rise of Economism among workers and socialist intellectuals in the Russian capital during the closing years of the last century. Literature on the Blagoev circle is not lacking, but there is a shortage of sound studies on the relationships between Marxism and indigenous Russian political philosophies between 1880 and 1895.