Suchergebnisse

The article was published originally without an abstract. Short description written by Michał Gilewski:
The article describes the role of indigenous movements in the debate on the Bolivian identity. The recent political developments led to situation which is popularly referred to as "Bolivia at the Crossroads". Discrepancies exist between some old visions of Bolivia as a culturally and ethnically homogenous state, and the vision of the indigenous movement, that has recently become politicized began to fight for the rights of the indigenous majority.

The discussion of feminist movements in the so-called "Third World" often explicitly or implicitly assumes that such movements are not indigenous, but rather merely recent imitations of the West. This mistaken view is then echoed by third world conservatives with the intention of discrediting local women's movements. In fact, feminism has not been imposed on the Third World by the West, nor is it so new.

During the past three decades, a broad grassroots movement of native American organizations has coalesced in Ecuador around the struggle for land, civil rights, and cultural identity. The signs of their success can be seen in the titling of communal land claims, the proliferation of bilingual education and literacy programs, the reclamation of native musical and art expressions and, most significantly, in the determination of indigenous peoples to exercise their rights as citizens within Ecuadorian society

New Zealand could be regarded as an acclimatization laboratory, i.e., the consequence of a wide range of animal introductions in the period 1840-1907. Species introduced ranged from camels to hedgehogs, ostriches to sky larks. Fortunately, many failed to survive. The majority of these liberations were made by Acclimatization Societies or private individuals, often with Government approval and protection. The most damaging species were several species of deer, rabbits, Australian opossums, goats, pigs, tahr, wallabies, and chamois. Pastoral land development in the early days usually consisted of firing large tracts of indigenous forest and native grassland and this practice assisted the dispersion of some animals, particularly the rabbit. The impact of these animals was to upset the natural stability of habitat and damage soil and water values. Organizations constituted by Government with the responsibility of conducting control have in recent years made dramatic progress in reducing some animal populations to tolerable levels. This has only been achieved by positive policy changes over the years, plus the development and utilization of more effective control techniques, especially in the field of poisoning. Discussion of current species of concern includes the European rabbit, brush-tailed possum, rook, and wallabies. Control methods are briefly summarized.

Among students of Latin America, the existence of sizable Indian communities within the region has provoked a lively debate about the relationship between ethnicity and social class. Such communities have failed to become part of class society, it is often said, because they retain those customs and traditions which arose under colonialism, because in some sense they remain encapsulated to this day within the feudal social order. A few experts even claim that these customs have themselves become the primary agent of economic and political exploitation in various rural areas.1According to this view, native people have accepted more or less passively a culture which was designed for them by Spanish missionaries and administrators, a culture which emphasized ethnic difference at the expense of class solidarity.2In contrast to these ideas, contemporary events provide us with many indications that such people did not simply resign themselves to the fate which colonial authorities elected for them, Of primary importance, native uprisings and rebellions, messianic movements and religious heresies occurred in Latin America with astonishing frequency throughout the centuries which preceded Independence. By analyzing these movements, then, and particularly the convictions which moved their participants to action, we may formulate a more coherent view of Spanish colonialism — a view which also helps us to understand the question of ethnicity among Indians today.

An exploration of the ways that industrial & transport workers established links with the Egyptian nationalist movement, led by the indigenous upper & middle classes, in the early twentieth century suggests that focusing on elites alone cannot provide a full understanding of nationalism. Although nationalism as a model began in Europe & first spread to the Egyptian intelligentsia, cultural diffusion does not explain the strength with which it took hold. The roles of other social groups, especially under colonial domination & early capitalist development, provide a better basis for understanding. The specific historical circumstances described enabled economic interests of the workers to be infused with a sense of nationalism. The efforts on the part of the Nationalist Party to secure an urban base were successful. A. Waters

STUDIES THE EFFECTS OF THE 'HSIA FANG'(DOWNWARD TRANSFER) MOVEMENT WHICH MOVES CHINA'S RUSTICATED URBAN YOUTH TO REMOTE AREAS. CONSIDERS THE EFFECTS UPON THE YOUTHES, AND UPON THE MINORITY PEOPLES AS CULTURES AND LIFE-STYLES MIX. FOLLOWS THE MOVEMENT FROM ITS INCEPTION IN 1956, RECOUNTING THE AVAILABLE DATA ON THE INTERMINGLING OF ETHNIC HAN AND INDIGENOUS POPULATIONS, AND THE ROLE OF PARTY CONSIDERATIONS.

Historians of the Russian labor movement have been slowly chipping away at the stereotypes about Russian workers created by generations of intellectuals quick to generalize from eye-catching impressions. The result has been the stereotyped, bipolar working class. On the one hand is the "peasant yokel" who too frequently resorts to the violent and mindless behavior indigenous to his original rural swamp. On the other hand, we find the skilled urban worker, sometimes a "half-literate intellectual," sometimes a labor aristocrat who disdains to cooperate with his socialist mentors. Daniel Brower's look at labor violence attempts to help reshape the familiar stereotype by exploring the cultural roots of the Russian worker's predilection for violence and by showing that such behavior is less mindless and more political than its critics have accepted. By not adequately specifying the contours and especially the frequency of violence, however, he leaves us ultimately with the old image of a Pugachevshchina in the factories. Brower in effect takes the pieces of the stereotype he has chipped away and glues them back in approximately the same pattern.

With the reproduction of severe deprivation among the campesinado in Latin America as a starting-point,the report explores the mechanisms of impoverishment in the eastern rural region of the department of Cauca in Colombia and the forms of resistance initiated by the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC). It is postulated that the continued existence of poverty derives its root-causes not from lacking integration of the traditional sector of the national economy into the modern sector, but from the processes through which the poor indigenous staple-food producer and agricultural worker by way of his actual participation within the capitalistic system is continously deprived of his energy and capacity by the power elite as he himself lacks the means to realize his own developmental power* Sham-participation, refering to the dysfunctionality of systemic participation performed by the poor who lack access to the bases for accumulating social power, is a concept applied to understand these mechanisms. Participation per se does not necessarily correspond to influence and power. Rather, systemic political participation can give legitimacy to the very system and to those structural conditions oppressing the indigenous small-holders and workers and consequently contributes to the consolidation of the transfer-process of power and thereby the reproduction of deprivation. Thus the poor indigenous population in Cauca cannot expect to be given access to the fundaments of social power. Thus the elements of real participation and the conditions for resisting deprivation are less likely to be obtained only through the creation of new institutions and channels for popular participation# In the case of the indigenous movement in Colombia, the problem is rather to revoke the repression of the indigenous organizations which have emerged from below and instead promote their spontaneous mobilization. ; digitalisering@umu

The author uses a case study of the COCEI of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, a left coalition that has achieved power at the municipal level despite repressive intervention by the national government, to critique theoretical approaches to new social movements. He offers as an alternative a combination of Marxist and postmodernist propositions. While some aspects of the COCEI reflect the radicalization of Mexican grass-roots movements after 1968, Zapotec intellectuals have combined revolutionary socialist thought and avant-garde artistic styles with ethnic mobilization to create a movement that is linked to regional and indigenous traditions