Suchergebnisse

The metaphor of "movement" has been applied in limited measure to indigenous action in Australia, and more to recent events (∼1960s and afterwards) than to earlier ones. This review characterizes movement in social-semiotic terms that allow consideratio

The metaphor of "movement" has been applied in limited measure to indigenous action in Australia, and more to recent events (∼1960s and afterwards) than to earlier ones. This review characterizes movement in social-semiotic terms that allow consideratio

Más que un indio (More Than an Indian): Racial Ambivalence and Neoliberal Multiculturalism in Guatemala. By Charles R. Hale. Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 2006. Pp. xii + 292. $34.05 paper. The Stroessner Regime and Indigenous Resistance in Paraguay. By René D. Harder Horst. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007. Pp. xi + 224. $50.05 cloth. Who Defines Indigenous? Identities, Development, Intellectuals, and the State in Northern Mexico. By Carmen Martínez Novo. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2006. Pp. ix + 187. $23.95 paper. Now We Are Citizens: Indigenous Politics in Postmulticultural Bolivia. By Nancy Grey Postero. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007. Pp. xvi + 294. $26.05 paper. The four books under review address several of the most compelling issues that have arisen following the democratic transitions of the 1980s and 1990s in Latin American countries with indigenous populations. The main concerns shared by the authors, all anthropologists, are indigenous mobilization, indigenous-state relations, and official multiculturalism. Reforms that sought to bring marginalized indigenous populations into the political process receive particular attention. The paradox of neoliberal multiculturalism, according to Charles R. Hale, "is that a progressive response to past societal ills has a menacing potential to perpetuate the problem in a new guise" (12). The reforms "intended to heal the rift between the state and the populace," writes Nancy Grey Postero (220), did not work as planned, and the books reviewed here seek to understand why. Although the authors address several other topics, I focus on how they deal with indigenous organizing, neoliberal ideologies and policies, democratization, and the role of structural racism. The differences among the books are substantial, as a result of different research sites and the various interests, methodologies, and research scope of the authors.

Over the last two decades, Ecuador has come to be considered one of the most unstable democracies in Latin America. The Ecuadorian state has seen over ten different heads of state in just the last decade. At the heart of this tumultuous era lies the highly organized Indigenous Movement. Led by arguably the most effective indigenous social organization in the western hemisphere, CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador), the movement has seen both a drastic rise in international visibility and, more recently, a spiraling decline of influence within national politics.This paper attempts to contextualize the Indigenous Movement within the broader socio-economic portrait of the Ecuadorian state. I argue that the movement and the indigenous idea of 'a plurinationalstate' represent a dramatic, even revolutionary, new democratic force in Ecuadorian history with the potential to bring sustainable prosperity to the Ecuadorian Republic.

Over the last two decades, Ecuador has come to be considered one of the most unstable democracies in Latin America. The Ecuadorian state has seen over ten different heads of state in just the last decade. At the heart of this tumultuous era lies the highly organized Indigenous Movement. Led by arguably the most effective indigenous social organization in the western hemisphere, CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador), the movement has seen both a drastic rise in international visibility and, more recently, a spiraling decline of influence within national politics.This paper attempts to contextualize the Indigenous Movement within the broader socio-economic portrait of the Ecuadorian state. I argue that the movement and the indigenous idea of 'a plurinationalstate' represent a dramatic, even revolutionary, new democratic force in Ecuadorian history with the potential to bring sustainable prosperity to the Ecuadorian Republic.

Over the last two decades, Ecuador has come to be considered one of the most unstable democracies in Latin America. The Ecuadorian state has seen over ten different heads of state in just the last decade. At the heart of this tumultuous era lies the highly organized Indigenous Movement. Led by arguably the most effective indigenous social organization in the western hemisphere, CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador), the movement has seen both a drastic rise in international visibility and, more recently, a spiraling decline of influence within national politics.This paper attempts to contextualize the Indigenous Movement within the broader socio-economic portrait of the Ecuadorian state. I argue that the movement and the indigenous idea of 'a plurinationalstate' represent a dramatic, even revolutionary, new democratic force in Ecuadorian history with the potential to bring sustainable prosperity to the Ecuadorian Republic.

1. INTRODUCTION This essay examines the emergence of Colombia's indigenous people as a political force, focusing in particular on the unequal relationship between indigenous communities (pueblos) and the state, as well as the effects of the half-century of violence. I first provide some general information about the pueblos and a brief history of indigenous organizing. A summary of changes brought about by the Asamblea Nacional Constituyente (ANC), and the Constitución Política of 1991 follows. I then provide a short overview of the Constitution's successes and failures with respect to indigenous concerns, a brief comment on language loss, and, finally, Discussion and Conclusions.

"There can be no doubt that the last several years have been characterized by an unprecedented level of mobilization at the state level against reigning neoliberal development orthodoxy in South America. This has taken a wide variety of forms, with moderate social-democratic left governments who respect existing institutional frameworks arising in Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, Argentina and Chile, and more radical, populist governments taking power in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador. The leaders of these latter three countries have used their popular mandates to institute greater societal changes, resting their legacies on new constitutions that would restructure the power balance of their society in important ways. Bolivia and Ecuador, the two countries considered by this study, are unique in their paths toward constitutional change, insofar as wide-ranging constitutional reforms have always been an integral demand of their powerful indigenous movements."--from page 40

On many measures, the indigenous movement in Ecuador has been the most successful in Latin America. This is particularly the case in political terms where they were key players until leaving the Gutiérrez cabinet. Their influence on the direction of economic policy has been minimal, however, and the rapid economic changes undertaken by the Correa administration since 2007 may marginalize them further. This paper examines Ecuador's checkered economic performance in the Washington Consensus period and the notable changes undertaken by Pres. Correa. These changes are then set in the context of the economic programs of the indigenous movement, specifically of CONAIE (Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador). This allows us to isolate several significant areas of overlap where the interests of the indigenous movement and of the Correa administration coincide and where collaboration on economic policy may be feasible.

The canton of Otavalo in the Ecuadorian Sierra has been a stronghold and intellectual cradle of the Ecuadorian indigenous movement. In the year 2000 Mario Conejo Maldonado, who represented the indigenous political movement Pachakutik, was elected as the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo. His administration has enjoyed recognition for its popular participation formula and intercultural project, integrating mestizos and indigenous citizens. In the context of local state reform challenges and the inclusion and recognition of indigenous citizens in the Ecuadorian state model this study approaches a local government led by an indigenous mayor with an intercultural banner. However, the project of ethnic integration in Otavalo has not evolved without complications and conflicts. Social and political divisions in the indigenous population have been reflected since before Conejo was ever elected. Ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement have been manifested throughout the period and in 2006 Conejo left Pachakutik and created a new political movement – Minga Intercultural-. The author argues that the rupture in the Otavalo indigenous movement (and local government) can be traced to the intercultural dilemma and difficulties associated with an ethnically defined political movement. Similarly, aspects of the so called "Correa effect" on the indigenous movement at the local level will be approached, since the Otavalo mayor has joined President Rafael Correa's PAIS movement before the local elections of 2009. ; From Exclusion to Government in Ecuador: Indigenous Movement Strategies and Political Power Structures in Otavalo and Cotacachi.

International audience ; Over the last decade, under the auspices of the Commission on Human Rights, indigenous peoples have been associated by the United Nations (UN) in the negotiations concerning the Draft Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Even though the whole story started with the mobilisation of Northern, Central and South Amerindian organisations, which remain extremely active, indigenous representatives are now coming from all over the world to participate in the annual sessions. Known to be an aspirational document, equivalent to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and able to protect indigenous collective rights, the Draft Declaration is to be adopted through the formation of a consensus, by the Working Group, by the Council of the Human Rights and the General Assembly. Nothing was been adopted in 2005, and the controversies regarding the language of the Draft Declaration, as well as the oppositions between state and non-state actors, demonstrate that the international identification of a people and the definition of collective human rights remain difficult. However, in the last three years a series of changes concerning the development of indigenous issues have been observed, both in the UN's Working Group on the Draft Declaration (WGDD) and on the national and regional stages where constitutional changes (South America) and a reflection on the definition of indigenous issues (Africa,Asia) are being introduced. Based on participant observation of the process held in the UN, the following article deals with the politics of this negotiation and analyses the positions of the different actors involved and their impact on the development of the world indigenous movement. Eventually, the Declaration was adopted on September 13, 2007. ; Sous les auspices de la Commission des Droits de l'Homme, les représentants des peuples autochtones ont été associés à la négociation de la Déclaration des Droits des Peuples Autochtones. Si l'histoire s'est mise en route avec la mobilisation de leurs ...

To what extent might an indigenous mayor govern beyond ethnically defined grievances, without being labelled traitor by the indigenous organisation? This article deals with the challenges faced by the Ecuadorian indigenous movement when it attains power in local government. The issue will be explored through the case of Mario Conejo, who in 2000 became the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo representing the indigenous political movement Pachakutik. Although ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement were evident throughout the period, 2006 saw Conejo leave Pachakutik and create a new political movement. This rupture can be traced, I argue, to an intercultural dilemma and the difficulties of ethnically defined political movements. ; authorCount :1

For more than two decades, the indigenous movement in Ecuador has been –and despite a recent crisis still is– one of the most important social actors in Ecuador and Latin America. Its specificity of being mostly based on ethnic identity seems to have impeded a coherent interpretation of this movement as a social one, that is, an interpretation based on theories of social movements. Indeed, most analysis of this movement tend to focus on its discourse, its fight against racism and exclusion or its relationship with state and government. Only very few try to apply social movement theories on this social movement. This text will be one of them. Given that this research has an exploratory character, the theory used as an interpretative base will be resource mobilization theory, correcting its shortcomings, especially concerning discourse and culture, with other theories. The development of the organizations of the indigenous movement and the relations between them will be studied, highlighting the political, discursive and strategic differences and points of contact. By this, not only a compared history of the different organizations will be achieved, but also a specification of the thesis of the "crisis of the indigenous movement" in Ecuador. The special relationship with Rafael Correa and the subsequent efforts of unity and attempts of division will be another focus of this article. ; Desde hace más de dos décadas, el movimiento indígena ecuatoriano ha sido y –no obstante su crisis en los últimos años– sigue siendo uno de los actores sociales más importantes del Ecuador y de América Latina. Su característica específica, la de basarse en la identidad étnica, parece haber complicado una interpretación coherente de este movimiento social como tal desde las teorías de movimientos sociales. De hecho, la mayoría de los análisis de este movimiento tiende a enfocarse en su discurso, su lucha contra el racismo y la exclusión, o su relación con el Estado y el gobierno. Sólo muy pocos estudios intentan aplicar teorías de movimientos sociales a este movimiento social. Este texto pretende formar parte de dichos estudios. Dado que esta investigación es de carácter exploratorio, la teoría usada como base interpretativa será la teoría de movilización de recursos, actualizada en cuanto a su trato de discursos y aspectos culturales. Se analizará el desarrollo de las organizaciones del movimiento indígena y la relación entre éstas, destacando las diferencias y puntos de encuentro de carácter político, discursivo y estratégico. De esta forma, no sólo se llegará a una historia comparada de las diferentes organizaciones, sino a una especificación de la tesis de la "crisis del movimiento indígena" en el Ecuador a partir de 2003. La relación especial con el gobierno de Rafael Correa y los subsiguientes esfuerzos de unidad e intentos de división serán otro tópico a tratar en este artículo.

President Toledo's platform and the Bagua uprisings brought Peru's Indigenous movements into the limelight. The long and significant history of these movements, however, is often overshadowed by these recent events. Peru's Indigenous movements gained strength and momentum decades earlier, forming regional as well as international linkages to assert their rights and resist exploitation of their territories. However, the Indigenous movements of the Amazon have lacked recognition in political and scholarly discussion. This analysis examines the factors that have silenced them, in addition to illuminating several avenues that recent Indigenous movements have been exploring since the 1970s. Future research should take into account the "little things" and quieter narratives, as well as the political factors eclipsing them, in order to provide a more accurate picture of Indigenous movements in Peru.

The Ecuadorian indigenous movement has developed the concept of Good Life (Sumak Kawsay or Buen Vivir) as a conceptual weapon in order to defend the territories of indigenous nationalities as the movement itself defines them. Starting in 2002, petroleum exploitation in indigenous areas in the Amazon has been denounced as an attack against the principles of the traditional concept of Good Life. The introduction of the concept of Good Life allowed the local as well as the national indigenous organizations to define their vision of the country and society, while allowing easier coalitions with a growing Ecological Left. Good Life is not only a new content in the indigenous discourse, but also an instrument for social movement mobilization and coalition building. This text aims to offer a clearer idea of what the indigenous movement in Ecuador understands as Good Life, the development of the concept, the different contents and relations it has, and its strategic use in Ecuadorian politics.