The discussion of feminist movements in the so-called "Third World" often explicitly or implicitly assumes that such movements are not indigenous, but rather merely recent imitations of the West. This mistaken view is then echoed by third world conservatives with the intention of discrediting local women's movements. In fact, feminism has not been imposed on the Third World by the West, nor is it so new.
In Aotearoa New Zealand (Aotearoa NZ), Māori (the Indigenous peoples of New Zealand) have long been objects of surveillance by state institutions and agents. State representations have centred on constructions of difference and deviance, on understandings of Indigenous peoples as dangerous, and on the management of Indigenous resistance to colonialism. This chapter considers how contemporary state surveillance practices in Aotearoa NZ, enabled by the expanded use of big data and linked government datasets, function to regulate and manage Māori. Through this lens, we explore continuities of current data practices for Indigenous peoples with the racialised logics and social orders set in place as part of global systems of imperialism and colonialism. Recognising that resistance has always been a part of Indigenous responses to colonialism, we also explore how Māori Data Sovereignty (MDSov), as part of broader Indigenous Data Sovereignty (IDS) movements globally, provides opportunities to counter and disrupt prevailing data relations and to imagine alternative futures.
This paper examines the current state and socio-ecological implications of the alternative agri-food movement organized by the Korean Women Peasant Association (KWPA) in South Korea. In the process of rapid industrial development, South Korean farm sector has suffered from serious environmental problems, depopulation, and poverty. Food production itself has become mostly industrialized using abundant amount of chemical input. This, along with mass consumption system relying on large supermarkets, has led to an unsustainable food system. In this situation, there has been a rise of alternative agri-food movement by the KWPA. We have focused on the influence of agroecology in the KWPA's activities, which might bring about a more sustainable food system. Under the dominant paradigm of agro-industrialism, farm production inevitably depends on outside resources. This de-contextualizes and disconnects farming from local ecosystems and social relations. Agroecology has emerged in recent years as an alternative paradigm, which can reconnect farming, nature, and society. We have analyzed the KWPA's programs, such as the indigenous seed preservation movement (ISPM) and Sisters' Garden Plot (SGP). We have found that agroecology plays an important role in the KWPA's programs, which involve sharing indigenous farm knowledge; preserving and finding indigenous seeds; and providing seasonal, local, and organic food to the public. These activities have also led to the empowerment of female peasants. These as a whole could be important social resource for a transition to a more sustainable food system.
In Latin America the forging of national identities has beenproblematic, especially in countries where large indigenouspopulations have remained marginalized through colonial ideologiesof exclusion. This is changing, however, as processes ofglobalization are reshuffling old orders and indigenous peoplebecome active participants in new social movements of their ownmaking. Founded on shared experience and emergent feelings ofsolidarity, a new political body is created, defined by indigeneity andshared interests vis-à-vis the state. Based on autobiographicalnarratives from Asháninka leaders in the central Amazon of Peru,the paper looks at the memory-identity nexus and the way it isreflexively tied to the process of forging new political subjectivity asAsháninka and Peruvian citizens. Even if indissolubly linked with averifiable past, Asháninka memories are also the products ofsignifying processes associated with the present, with hopes anddreams, and with the production of meaning in the context of decolonization.
Topic: Perspectives on Linkage Involving Indigenous dataIndigenous populations across the globe are reaffirming their sovereignty rights in the collection and use of Indigenous data. The Indigenous data sovereignty movement has been widely influential and can be unsettling for those who routinely use population-level linked data that include Indigenous identifiers. Ethical policies that stipulate community engagement for access, interpretation and dissemination of Indigenous data create an enabling environment through the critical process of negotiating and navigating data access in partnership with communities. This session will be designed to create space for leading Indigenous voices to set the tone for the discussion around Indigenous population data linkage.
Objectives:
To provide participants with an opportunity to build on the themes of Indigenous Data Sovereignty presented in the keynote session as they apply to diverse Indigenous populations.
To explore approaches to the linkage of Indigenous-identified population data across four countries, including First Nations in three Canadian regions.
To share practical applications of Indigenous data sovereignty on data linkage and analysis and discussion.
To center Indigenous-driven data linkage and research.
Facilitator:Jennifer Walker. Canada Research Chair in Indigenous Health, Laurentian University and Indigenous Lead, Institute for Clinical Evaluative Sciences.
Collaborators:
Alberta: Bonnie Healy, Tina Apsassin, Chyloe Healy and William Wadsworth (Alberta First Nations Information Governance Centre)
Ontario: Carmen R. Jones (Chiefs of Ontario) and Jennifer Walker (Institute for Clinical Evaluative Sciences)
British Columbia: Jeff Reading (Providence Health Centre) and Laurel Lemchuk-Favel (First Nations Health Authority)
Australia: Raymond Lovett (Australian National University)
Aotearoa / New Zealand: Donna Cormack (University of Otago)
United States: Stephanie Rainie and Desi Rodriguez-Lonebear (University of Arizona)
Session format: 90 minutesCollaborators will participate in a round-table introduction to the work they are doing. Collaborators will discuss the principles underlying their approaches to Indigenous data linkage as well as practical and concrete solutions to challenges. Questions to guide the discussion will be pre-determined by consensus among the collaborators and the themes will include: data governance, community engagement, Indigenous-led linkage and analysis of data, and decision-making regarding access to linked data. Other participants attending the session will be encouraged to listen and will have an opportunity to engage in the discussion and ask questions.
Intended output or outcome:The key outcome of the session will be twofold. First, those actively working with Indigenous linked data will have an opportunity for an in-depth and meaningful dialogue about their work, which will promote international collaboration and sharing of ideas. Second, those with less experience and knowledge of the principles of Indigenous data sovereignty and their practical application will have an opportunity to listen to Indigenous people who are advancing the integration of Indigenous ways of knowing into data linkage and analysis.
The output of the session will be a summary paper highlighting both the diversity and commonalities of approaches to Indigenous data linkage internationally. Areas where consensus exists, opportunities for collaboration, and challenges will be highlighted.
The relations between Mexican campesino and indigenous organizations, on the one hand, and political parties and the state, on the other, have been characterized by a shift associated with the crisis of corporatist representation and the transition to democracy from a "political" to a "social-political" or a "social" approach. In the political framework, organizations are subordinated to political parties, whereas in the social-political framework both organizations and political parties enjoy autonomy of action and in the social framework only the action of organized civil society is the bearer of change. During the period of transition to democracy, organizations of the first two frameworks chose to formulate their demands and activities within the representative democratic system, while those of the third framework pursued the design of a new society and disavowed the existing political system. While the latter do not lack for arguments in support of their rejection of party politics, they fail to take into account that their survival depends on the existence of a democratic system, and their dismissal of opportunities to create institutions within the system brings them into conflict with other progressive forces.
Outstations, which dramatically increased in numbers in the 1970s, are small, decentralised and relatively permanent communities of kin established by Aboriginal people on land that has social, cultural or economic significance to them. In 2015 they yet again came under attack, this time as an expensive lifestyle choice that can no longer be supported by state governments. Yet outstations are the original, and most striking, manifestation of remote-area Aboriginal people's aspirations for self-determination, and of the life projects by which they seek, and have sought, autonomy in deciding the meaning of their life independently of projects promoted by the state and market. They are not simply projects of isolation from outside influences, as they have sometimes been characterised, but attempts by people to take control of the course of their lives. In the sometimes acrimonious debates about outstations, the lived experiences, motivations and histories of existing communities are missing. For this reason, we invited a number of anthropological witnesses to the early period in which outstations gained a purchase in remote Australia to provide accounts of what these communities were like, and what their residents' aspirations and experiences were. Our hope is that these closer-to-the-ground accounts provide insight into, and understanding of, what Indigenous aspirations were in the establishment and organisation of these communities.
"In the last half century Brazil's rural economy has developed profitable soy and sugarcane plantations, causing mass displacement of rural inhabitants, deforestation, casualization of labor, and reorganization of politics. Since the early 2000s Indigenous peoples have protested the taking of their land and transformed terms provided by state institutions, NGOs, agribusiness firms, and myriad local middlemen toward their material survival, leading to significant violence from third-party security forces. Guarani protestors have confronted these armed security forces through a form of life-or-death political theater and spectacle on the sides of highways, while squatters have viscerally disturbed the landscape and enlivened long-standing genocide and settler-colonial violence. In Unsettling Agribusiness LaShandra Sullivan analyzes the transformations in rural life wrought by the internationalization of agribusiness and contests over land rights by Indigenous social movements. The protest camps, by reclaiming the countryside as a site of residence and not merely one of abstract maximized agribusiness production, call into question the meanings and stakes of Brazil's political model. The squatter protests complicated federal attempts to balance land reform with economic development imperatives and imperiled existing constellations of political and economic order. Unsettling Agribusiness encompasses the multiple scales of the conflict, maintaining within the same frame of analysis the unique operations of daily life in the protest camps and the larger political, economic, and social networks of pan-Indigenous activism and transnational agribusiness complexes of which they are a part. Sullivan speaks to the urgent need to link the dual preoccupations of multi-scalar political-economic change and the ethno-racial terms in which Indigenous people in Brazil live today"--
Globalization is a multilayered & dialectical process involving two consequent tendencies -- homogenizing & particularizing -- at the same time. The question of how & in what ways these contending forces operate in Sarawak & in Malaysia as a whole is therefore crucial in an effort to capture this dynamic. This article examines the impact of globalization on the democratization process & other domestic political activities of the indigenous peoples (IPs) of Sarawak. It shows how the democratization process can be an empowering one, thus enabling the actors to manage the effects of globalization in their lives. The conflict between IPs & the state against the depletion of the tropical rainforest is manifested in the form of blockades & unlawful occupation of state land by the former as a form of resistance & protest. In some situations the federal & state governments have treated this action as a serious global issue between the international NGOS & the Malaysian/Sarawak government. In this case, globalization has affected both the nation-state & IPs in different ways. Globalization has triggered a greater awareness of self-empowerment & democratization among IPs. These are important forces in capturing some aspects of globalization at the local level. Adapted from the source document.
Civil society building efforts in Ecuador have provided the Achuar and Kichwas of the Amazon with a voice. This is particularly relevant given the global significance of the Amazon, which makes it essential that local voices are empowered to have a say in the future of their local space. Civil society building efforts aim at empowering historically excluded groups, leading to their political inclusion, as well as to an increase in their decision-making power. The Amazonian indigenous movement demands autonomy, but this has become unattainable due to the area's insertion into the process of globalisation. In response, the Amazonian indigenous movement has joined forces with counterhegemonic global actors such as activists and environmental NGOs. Donor support to the indigenous movement in the Ecuadorian Amazon empowered indigenous leaders, who have challenged traditional economic development models in their efforts to achieve Sumak Kawsay, or 'the good life'. The resistance of the indigenous movement of the Amazon to a developmental model that has not delivered on its promises has inspired alternative solutions among post-development enthusiasts, academics and activists. This case study of the Amazon in a global era shows how power relations play out between the indigenous leadership and powerful external actors concerned with the administration of the Amazon´s resources. Civil society building in the Amazon has provided the platform for the expression of indigenous voices. Independently of whether or not powerful groups agree with these visions, these voices have opened up the debate on development alternatives.
IntroductionGlobally, the ways that Indigenous data are collected, used, stored, shared, and analyzed are advancing through Indigenous data governance movements. However, these discussions do not always include the increasingly sensitive nature of linking Indigenous population health (IPH) data. During the International Population Data Linkage Network Conference in September of 2018, Indigenous people from three countries (Canada, New Zealand, and the United States) gathered and set the tone for discussions around Indigenous-driven IPH data linkage. ObjectivesCentering IPH data linkage and research priorities at the conference led to budding discussions from diverse Indigenous populations to share and build on current IPH data linkage themes. This paper provides a braided summary of those discussions which resulted in the SEEDS principles for use when linking IPH data. MethodsDuring the Conference, two sessions and a keynote were Indigenous-led and hosted by international collaborators that focused on regional perspectives on IPH data linkage. A retrospective document analysis of notes, discussions, and artistic contributions gathered from the conference resulted in a summary of shared common approaches to the linkage of IPH data. ResultsThe SEEDS Principles emerge as collective report that outlines a living and expanding set of guiding principles that: 1) prioritizes Indigenous Peoples' right to Self-determination; 2) makes space for Indigenous Peoples to Exercise sovereignty; 3) adheres to Ethical protocols; 4) acknowledges and respects Data stewardship and governance, and; 5) works to Support reconciliation between Indigenous nations and settler states. ConclusionEach of the elements of SEEDS need to be enacted together to create a positive data linkage environment. When implemented together, the SEEDS Principles can lead to more meaningful research and improved Indigenous data governance. The mindful implementation of SEEDS could lead to better measurements of health progress through linkages that are critical to enhancing health care policy and improving health and wellness outcomes for Indigenous nations.
This article examines the confluence of extractivism, violence, and their resistance in the context of left governance – specifically the case of Ecuador – through an engagement with the concept of populism. Alongside Bolivia and Venezuela, Ecuador has long been associated with the rise of radical populism and with it an 'autocratic turn' in Latin America. Dispensing with overdetermined accounts of populism as either the anti-thesis or essence of democracy, this article proposes a third lens – dual populisms – to better grapple with the neocolonial turn toward intensified natural resource extraction and violence. That this intensification took place in the context of a left-in-power in Ecuador was initially surprising given previous alliances between President Correa's party and Indigenous and environmental movements, and its rejection of capitalist and neoliberal developmentalism. With the expansion of extractive industries, and its accompanying violence increasingly becoming a global phenomenon, dual populism posits a third position – one that is at once top-down, state centered, and also bottom-up and social movement focused – to better account for the complex dynamics at work within this turn.
This fully revised and updated edition of Social Movements and Protest Politics provides interdisciplinary perspectives on the sociology of protest movements. It considers major theories and concepts, which are presented in a clear, accessible, and engaging format. The second edition contains new chapters on methods and ethics of social movement research, and legal mobilization, protest policing and criminal justice activism, including calls to abolish or defund police made at protests during the COVID-19 pandemic. This edition also introduces readers to the concept of the 'post-protest society' wherein the right to protest is whittled away to near vanishing point and authorities have considerable legal recourse to ban protests and render the tactics of protest movements ineffective. This edition also looks at recent developments and novel protest movements, including Black Lives Matter, Extinction Rebellion, Gilets Jaunes, #MeToo and Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement, as well as the rise of contemporary forms of populism in democratic societies. The book presents specific chapters outlining the early origins of social movement studies and more recent theoretical and conceptual developments. It considers key ideas from resource mobilization theory, the political process model and new social movement approaches. It provides extensive commentary on the role of culture in social protest (including visual images, emotions, storytelling, music, and sport), religious movements, geography and struggles over space, media and movements, and global activism. Historical and contemporary case studies and examples from a variety of countries are provided throughout, including the American civil rights movement, Greenpeace, Pussy Riot, indigenous peoples' movements, liberation theology, Indignados, Occupy, Tea Party, and Arab Spring. Each chapter also contains illustrations and boxed case studies to demonstrate the issues under discussion.
This article explores indigenous film in general within the layered contexts between indigenous 'being' and 'becoming' (from cultural, socioeconomic, epistemological, political, historical, esthetical, and cinematographic movements); particularly, the transformative emancipating closeness of the ONG Vídeo nas Aldeias (VNA 'Video in the Villages'): a Brazilian producer, distributor, developer, and indigenous film school. VNA reconsiders and redirects the indigenous 'self' and the 'common' other in a contemporary intercultural, transnational context, highlighting, at the same time, the particular Brazilian context as "vital towards the training of a new (demystified) look at the indigenous populations and to the deconstruction of deeply rooted prejudices." Film and video as ways of knowing, media (audiovisual technology), image, art and operations, genders, social processes, production methodologies and their politico-cultural appropriations could be a powerful tool to make people conscious and to challenge the sensible order within the dissentive game of otherness similarity. ; Este artículo explora el cine indígena en general en los "hojaldrados" contextos entre el "ser" y los "devenires" de la indigenidad (desde los movimientos culturales, socio-económicos, epistemológicos, políticos, históricos, estéticos y cinematográficos) y particularmente el acercamiento emancipatorio transformativo de la ONG Vídeo nas Aldeias (VNA 'video en las aldeas'): productora, distribuidora, promotora y escuela de cine indígena en Brasil. VNA reconsidera y redirige el "sí mismo" indígena y el otro "común" en un contexto contemporáneo intercultural, trans-nacional, resaltando a la vez el contexto particular brasileño como "vital frente a la formación de una nueva (desmitificada) mirada hacia los pueblos indígenas y al deshacer de los prejuicios profundamente enraizados". El cine y el video como formas y modos de conocer, medio (tecnología audiovisual), imagen, arte y operaciones, géneros, procesos sociales, metodologías de producción y sus apropiaciones político-culturales pueden ser una herramienta poderosa para despertar conciencia y desafiar el orden de lo sensible en el juego disensual de la semejanza con la otredad.
