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"It's about the European fascination with the Indigenous peoples of North America and includes Indigenous responses to that phenomenon. The volume connects German Studies with Indigenous Studies to show how 'Indianthusiasm' creates barriers as well as opportunities for Indigenous peoples with German people and in Germany."--

Building on Karen Barad's philosophy of science, this paper offers a diffractive reading of quantum indeterminacy with/across the classic structure/agency dichotomy in social science scholarship. It highlights key parallels between the metaphysics of indeterminacy in both the physical and social sciences. In the course of this analysis, we draw upon relevant Indigenous studies literature. These citations are integrated into the diffractive analysis, both as a source of important and potentially transformative insight and as a performative illustration of enactment of political responsibility under conditions of ontological indeterminacy. The inclusion of the Indigenous studies citations raises questions about how to avoid problematic practices of appropriation and/or erasure. Instead of resolving this question, we will dwell within the indeterminacy it reveals and the responsibility for constructive action it brings into focus.

"This is an edited volume that provides definitions, meanings, and significances of select key concepts often used in Native studies. These concepts include: sovereignty, land, indigeneity, nations, blood, tradition, colonialism, and indigenous epistemologies/knowledges. The manuscript is divided into eight sections, and each section includes three or four essays about one of the concepts. The essays provide an historical, social, and political context for the concepts and indicate how they have been drawn upon by scholars of Native studies." - Provided by the publisher

Critically Sovereign traces the ways in which gender is inextricably a part of Indigenous politics and U.S. and Canadian imperialism and colonialism. The contributors show how gender, sexuality, and feminism work as co-productive forces of Native American and Indigenous sovereignty, self-determination, and epistemology. Several essays use a range of literary and legal texts to analyze the production of colonial space, the biopolitics of "Indianness," and the collisions and collusions between queer theory and colonialism within Indigenous studies. Others address the U.S. government's criminalization of traditional forms of Diné marriage and sexuality, the Iñupiat people's changing conceptions of masculinity as they embrace the processes of globalization, Hawai'i's same-sex marriage bill, and stories of Indigenous women falling in love with non-human beings such as animals, plants, and stars. Following the politics of gender, sexuality, and feminism across these diverse historical and cultural contexts, the contributors question and reframe the thinking about Indigenous knowledge, nationhood, citizenship, history, identity, belonging, and the possibilities for a decolonial future.Contributors. Jodi A. Byrd, Joanne Barker, Jennifer Nez Denetdale, Mishuana Goeman, J. Kēhaulani Kauanui, Melissa K. Nelson, Jessica Bissett Perea, Mark Rifkin

This essay questions both the Special Forum's invitation to chart a "Transnational Native American Studies" and its assertion, in the call for papers, that issues "surrounding place and mobility, aesthetics and politics, identity and community, and the tribal and global indigenous" have "emerged" from within "the larger frameworks of transnational American Studies." Through a series of critical and interpretive engagements with examples of contemporary Indigenous arts and literature from the US, Canada, and Aotearoa/New Zealand, the author offers an alternative rubric of the "trans-Indigenous" for future work in global Indigenous Studies.

Carrasco Designing new instruments Chapter 9 The 2005 Draft Nordic Sámi Convention and the Implementation of the Right of the Sámi People to Self-determination Dorothée Cambou Chapter 10 Legislation coordination and cooperation mechanisms between indigenous and ordinary jurisdictions: reflections on progress and setbacks in Ecuador Lieselotte Viaene and Guillermo Fernández-Maldonado Index

The UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples recognizes Indigenous peoples' rights to self-determination and to maintain their distinct institutions. This article investigates how those rights are being exercised in Charagua, which became Bolivia's first "Indigenous autonomous government" when the municipality's Guaraní majority approved conversion in 2015. We explore the construction of novel institutions of self-government to assess how local Guaraní leaders are negotiating autonomy, both externally and internally. The result of those negotiations is a hybrid political system in which power is balanced between an executive organ (as required by Bolivian law) and a deliberative assembly (the Ñemboati Guasu, which operates according to Indigenous custom). The prominence of the assembly expresses a significant form of autonomy that promotes intercultural political participation and enacts Indigenous self-government in ways that are important to Guaraní people. Yet, because the new political unit does not control subsoil rights and thus cannot determine the sorts of development that take place in its territory, we cannot yet say the Guaranís are exercising full and robust autonomy as expressed by the UN Declaration's provisions for self-determination. ResumenLa Declaración sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas de la ONU reconoce que pueblos indígenas tienen el derecho de auto-determinación y mantención de sus instituciones propias. Este artículo investiga cómo se ejerce estos derechos en Charagua, que fue el primer "gobierno autónomo indígena" en Bolivia, después de que la mayoría de la población aprobó conversión en 2015. Exploramos la construcción de nuevas instituciones de auto-gobierno para evaluar como los líderes guaraníes están negociando autonomía, tanto externamente como internamente. El resultado de estas negociaciones es un sistema político híbrido en donde el poder es equilibrado entre un órgano ejecutivo (mandado por ley boliviana) y una asamblea deliberativa (el Ñemboati Guasu, que opera bajo normas indígenas). La prominencia de la asamblea expresa una forma significante de autonomía la cual promueve participación política intercultural y pone en práctica auto-gobierno indígena de manera importante para el pueblo guaraní. Sin embargo, porque el municipio no tiene control sobre los usos del subsuelo, and por eso no puede control las formas de desarrollo en su territorio, todavía no podemos decir que están ejercitando una autonomía tan plena y robusta como se entendió en la Declaración de la ONU.

"Indigenous communities have been organizing against violence since newcomers first arrived, but the cases of missing and murdered women have only recently garnered broad public attention. Violence Against Indigenous Women joins the conversation by analyzing the socially interventionist work of Indigenous women poets, playwrights, filmmakers, and fiction-writers. Organized as a series of case studies that pair literary interventions with recent sites of activism and policy-critique, the book puts literature in dialogue with anti-violence debate to illuminate new pathways toward action."--

In this innovative collection, Indigenous and non-Indigenous scholars from Australia and Europe reflect on how their life histories have impacted on their research in Indigenous Australian Studies. Drawing on Pierre Nora's concept of ego-histoire as an analytical tool to ask historians to apply their methods to themselves, contributors lay open their paths, personal commitments and passion involved in their research. Why are we researching in Indigenous Studies, what has driven our motivations? How have our biographical experiences influenced our research? And how has our research influenced us in our political and individual understanding as scholars and human beings? This collection tries to answer many of these complex questions, seeing them not as merely personal issues but highly relevant to the practice of Indigenous Studies.

Der Druck auf die indigenen Völker Lateinamerikas steigt bis hin zur Existenzbedrohung. Die linkspopulistische Regierung Mexikos setzt sich ebenso wenig für die Interessen der Indigenen ein wie die konservative Übergangsregierung in Bolivien. Brasiliens rechtsradikaler Präsident betreibt gar eine offene Assimilierungspolitik. Als neue Bedrohung kommt nun das Coronavirus hinzu, auf das die isoliert lebenden Völker immunologisch nicht vorbereitet sind.
Der eingeschränkte Zugang zu Gesundheitsdiensten und fehlende Intensivbetreuungskapazitäten erweisen sich während der Coronakrise in schwer zugänglichen Indigenengebieten als verhängnisvoll. Indigenenverbände befürchten, dass COVID-19 zur Ausrottung einiger indigener Völker führen kann.
Lateinamerikas indigene Völker sind eine bevorzugte Zielscheibe schwerer Menschenrechtsverletzungen. In Brasilien wurden allein in den letzten zwei Jahren mindestens 163 Indigene im Kontext von Landkonflikten getötet. In Bolivien erschoss das Militär bei Antiregierungsprotesten 36 überwiegend indigene Unterstützer des Ex-Präsidenten Evo Morales. Und im mexikanischen Chiapas leben derzeit etwa 5.000 überwiegend indigene Vertriebene in improvisierten Camps.
Zwar bezeichnen sich Mexiko und Bolivien in ihren Verfassungen als plurikulturelle Nation bzw. als plurinationaler Staat. Doch in der Realität werden indigene Rechte zunehmend ausgehöhlt, um den Ausbau von Infrastruktur, Landwirtschaft und Rohstoffabbau in indigenen Gebieten voranzutreiben. Besonders perfide zeigt sich dabei Brasiliens Präsident Bolsonaro, indem er die Indigenenschutzbehörde unter die Leitung eines Agrarlobbyisten stellt.
Die Bundesregierung und die Europäische Union sollten es trotz der Fokussierung auf das eigene Coronavirus-Management nicht versäumen, auf die besorgniserregende Lage der indigenen Völker zu reagieren. Um ein Massensterben durch COVID-19 abzuwenden, müsste die WHO umgehend den Transport medizinischen Personals und Behandlungsinfrastruktur in die teils schwer zugänglichen Gebiete koordinieren.

The goal of this thesis project is to reveal a part of Canadian history that is not widely known to the general Canadian public, the history Canada"s residential schools. The study examines the Kamloops Indian Residential School (KIRS). This thesis examines a variety of government, Oblate, testimonial records, and newspaper articles which each give a glimpse of the Canadian government"s assimilative objective for residential schools and the effects it had on KIRS students. Both the Canadian government and Oblate school instructors believed that Indigenous cultures and languages were inferior to those of Euro-Canadians. Through a carefully designed school curriculum KIRS instructors aimed to modernize and assimilate Indigenous students by teaching manual skills and agriculture to male students, and by teaching female students home economic skills. Although the students gained skills to adapt to Euro-Canadian society at the KIRS, the process had negative effects on their languages, traditions, and communities. Only recently have scholars and government officials begun to address these acknowledged detrimental effects of residential schools. ; Irving K. Barber School of Arts and Sciences (Okanagan) ; History and Sociology, Department of (Okanagan) ; Unreviewed ; Undergraduate

This book focuses on how Indigenous knowledge and methodologies can contribute towards the decolonisation of peace and conflict studies (PACS). It shows how Indigenous knowledge is essential to ensure that PACS research is relevant, respectful, accurate, and non-exploitative of Indigenous Peoples, in an effort to reposition Indigenous perspectives and contexts through Indigenous experiences, voices, and research processes, to provide balance to the power structures within this discipline. It includes critiques of ethnocentrism within PACS scholarship, and how both research areas can be brought together to challenge the violence of colonialism, and the colonialism of the institutions and structures within which decolonising researchers are working. Contributions in the book cover Indigenous research in Aotearoa, Australia, The Caribbean, Hawai'i, Israel, Mexico, Nigeria, Palestine, Philippines, Samoa, USA, and West Papua. Dr. Kelli Te Maihāroa (Waitaha, Ngāti Rārua, Te Ātiawa) has held leadership roles at the Otago Polytechnic as Tumuaki: Rakahau Māori / Director of Māori Research and Kaihautū: Te Kāhui Whetū Lead / Capable Māori, working with Iwi Māori throughout Aotearoa, New Zealand. She is an active member within her whānau, Iwi and local Māori community. She is a mokopuna of Te Maihāroa, the last southern Māori prophet and tohuka (expert tribal specialist). Dr. Michael Fusi Ligaliga is a lecturer and researcher in the School of Māori and Pacific Indigenous Studies at the University of Otago in Dunedin, Aotearoa, New Zealand. He teaches Pacific Island issues, indigenous leadership and peace and conflict in the Pacific. He has acted as Interim Director of the David O. McKay Centre for Intercultural Understanding at Brightham Young University Hawai'i. Dr. Heather Devere is Director of Practice at the Te Ao o Rongomaraeroa/The National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Otago in Aotearoa, New Zealand. She has written widely on issues related to the politics of friendship, Indigenous peace traditions and peacebuilding, peace journalism, restorative justice, and social justice. She is Secretary of Parihaka Network: Ngā Manu Korihi, involved in community mediation, refugee settlement, human rights, and social justice issues.