Istnienie państwa dobrobytu może być uzasadniane za pomocą argumentacji zarówno ekonomicznej, politycznej, jak i filozoficznej. W artykule scharakteryzowano sprawiedliwość dystrybutywną z perspektywy liberalnego egalitaryzmu, co stanowi jednocześnie analizę filozoficznej argumentacji na rzecz państwa dobrobytu. Odwołano się przy tym do dwóch najbardziej wpływowych koncepcji: teorii sprawiedliwości jako bezstronności autorstwa Rawlsa oraz idei równości zasobów zaproponowanej przez Dworkina. Celem artykułu była ocena modeli państwa dobrobytu w świetle wymagań stawianych w obu koncepcjach sprawiedliwie urządzonemu społeczeństwu. Autor dowodzi, że mając na względzie realne możliwości jednostek do formułowania, rozumnego realizowania oraz korekty swych własnych planów życiowych, jedynie socjaldemokratyczny (nordycki) model państwa dobrobytu można uznać za akceptowalny z perspektywy egalitarystycznej. ; The existence of the welfare state can be justified by economic and political arguments as well as philosophical ones. The paper analyses the liberal-egalitarian view on distributive justice and hence on the philosophical justification of the welfare state, based on two most influential egalitarian concepts: Rawls's theory of justice as fairness and Dworkin's equality of resources theory. The aim of this article was to evaluate the welfare state regimes in the light of requirements of both theories that just society must satisfy. It is argued that with respect to the individual capacity to formulate, rationally pursue, and revise one's life plans, the social-democratic (Nordic model) may be deemed as the only regime capable of being accepted from the egalitarian perspective.
The aim of this article is to present the course of the Velvet Revolution in Slovakia in the period from 17 to 29 November 1989 and to show the similarities and differences between the two movements: Civic Forum and Society Against Violence. The study is based on several assumptions. Unlike the Civic Forum in the Czech Republic, the Society Against Violence was a broad movement with a very decentralised structure, led by individuals who had no organisational experience. Secondly, the main goal of the Society Against Violence was to control power and thus it was more of a civic initiative than a political one. Thirdly, a number of differences between the Civic Forum and the Society Against Violence determined the fact that it was not possible to create a single Czechoslovak political elite. In the study, the comparative method was applied in order to indicate similarities and differences between the Civic Forum and the Society Against Violence. To analyse the political reality in Slovakia in November 1989, the decision analysis method was applied. The article uses archival materials, documents and scientific studies.
After thirty years of transformation in Central and Eastern Europe, we can see differences in the economic development of individual countries. In the paper, we decided to analyse those differences in transformation paths, economic growth and environmental degradation by carbon dioxide emission. The analysis of economic growth covers the years 1995–2017, and for the emission of carbon dioxide, the years 1995–2014. The results of the study show that the transformation in countries closer to Western Europe was faster, which contributed to faster economic growth. It is noticeable that in the following years, this economic growth in this region was stimulated by the process of European integration. What draws today's attention is the distinctive economic growth of the Baltic States. On the other hand, carbon dioxide emissions in most countries in the region decreased in the analysed period, which has been a positive change. We are aware, however, that the presented analysis and conclusions can be treated only as an introduction to subsequent detailed studies of the environmental Kuznets curve concept.
The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation betweentwo continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations. ; The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation between two continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations.
The author of the article presents and analyzes the concept of the public sphere which was created by Plessner in the twenties of the twentieth century. It includes the main work of Plessner written in 1923, The Limits of Community: A Critique of Social Radicalism. This book presents two forms of public life organisation: community and society. Plessner shows the important differences in the understanding of the role of the individual in these two forms of human collectivity organisation. Plessner creates its own versions of anthropology for understanding the possibility of different treatment of individuals in the community and in society. He presented this concept in the paper entitled Conditio humana in 1961 which represents one of the main works of political anthropology in the twentieth century. His research effort focuses on the presentation of the role of the public sphere in the social life. Its important characteristic is neutral behavior of people performing the roles in social life. According to Plessner, there are two types of community: a blood-based type and an ideal-based type both of which aspire to control the public sphere. The meaning of Plessner's concept is very broad; both for explaining the totalitarianism creation in Germany as well as for discovering a deeper sense of political changes in the modern world.
More and more people around the world are using computer (video) games. The development of the gaming industry means increasing of its complexity in all aspects. Not only is the content represented in games continuously differentiating, but we also see the increasing diversity among their creators, users, researchers and the public. This article aims to draw attention to the possibility of using the concept of social capital in ludologists' research as well as in improving the quality of games and of the cooperation between social environments related with games. Social capital is understood here as a potential of interactions embedded in interpersonal ties and social norms, which can bring advantages for individuals, groups and societies. The author takes a closer look on: the main features of this multi-dimensional category; significant differences between human, social and cultural capital; as well as the positive and negative influences of social capital.
The European Union is facing numerous internal and external crises which may affect its future operations. The crises may undermine the present integration model. They may even result in the EU's considerable transformation and exert impact upon its international position. The crises stem from member states' vast differences of opinion on methods for dealing with the internal and external challenges. The most critical of the challenges include the Eurozone crisis, attitude towards refugees and migrants from the Near East and Africa, and diverse approaches towards Russia in connection with the annexation of Crimea and with the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. They all illustrate a deep rift not only among member states but also within individual countries of the EU. ; Unia Europejska boryka się z licznymi kryzysami o charakterze wewnętrznym i zewnętrznym, które mogą wpłynąć na jej funkcjonowanie w przyszłości. Ich skutki mogą podważyć obecny model integracji i doprowadzić nawet do znaczącej transformacji UE oraz wpłynąć na jej międzynarodową pozycję. U podstaw obecnych kryzysów leżą poważne różnice zdań pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi co do radzenia sobie z wyzwaniami tak wewnętrznymi, jak i zewnętrznymi stojącymi przed Unią Europejską. Do najważniejszych można zaliczyć kryzys w strefie euro, stosunek do uchodźców i migrantów z Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki oraz zróżnicowane podejście do Rosji w związku z aneksją Krymu i konfliktem we wschodniej Ukrainie. Wszystkie one są ilustracją głębokich podziałów nie tylko pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi, ale również w ramach poszczególnych państw.
Unia Europejska boryka się z licznymi kryzysami o charakterze wewnętrznym i zewnętrznym, które mogą wpłynąć na jej funkcjonowanie w przyszłości. Ich skutki mogą podważyć obecny model integracji i doprowadzić nawet do znaczącej transformacji UE oraz wpłynąć na jej międzynarodową pozycję. U podstaw obecnych kryzysów leżą poważne różnice zdań pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi co do radzenia sobie z wyzwaniami tak wewnętrznymi, jak i zewnętrznymi stojącymi przed Unią Europejską. Do najważniejszych można zaliczyć kryzys w strefie euro, stosunek do uchodźców i migrantów z Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki oraz zróżnicowane podejście do Rosji w związku z aneksją Krymu i konfliktem we wschodniej Ukrainie. Wszystkie one są ilustracją głębokich podziałów nie tylko pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi, ale również w ramach poszczególnych państw. ; The European Union is facing numerous internal and external crises which may affect its future operations. The crises may undermine the present integration model. They may even result in the EU's considerable transformation and exert impact upon its international position. The crises stem from member states' vast differences of opinion on methods for dealing with the internal and external challenges. The most critical of the challenges include the Eurozone crisis, attitude towards refugees and migrants from the Near East and Africa, and diverse approaches towards Russia in connection with the annexation of Crimea and with the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. They all illustrate a deep rift not only among member states but also within individual countries of the EU.
The article analyses in detail the immediate and more remote economic, political and social consequences of globalisation and the emergence of the global civilisation as well as the influence of these processes on changes of the role, importance and nature of the activities of universities. The author points out a number of perils which as a rule are overlooked in discussions of globalisation, such as widening economic differences and a further polarisation into poor and rich countries and threats to the development of democracy and civic rights on the scale of the global civilisation. Difficulties appearing on the scale of individual countries may be impossible to overcome within the framework of supranational, global institutions. The gradual process of globalisation, which is accompanied by spread of the doctrine of economic neoliberalism, has become the reason for changes and reforms of higher education systems of many countries, reforms which were not always successful. As an outcome of the emergence of the global civilisation and new requirements in respect to qualifications, the concept of the functioning of the university and its social role may also change. ; W artykule przeanalizowano szczegółowo bezpośrednie i dalsze konsekwencje ekonomiczne, polityczne i społeczne powstawania cywilizacji globalnej oraz wpływ tych procesów na zmiany roli, znaczenia i charakteru działania uniwersytetów. Autor zwraca uwagę na wiele zagrożeń, które są zazwyczaj pomijane w dyskusji o globalizacji, takich jak pogłębianie się różnic ekonomicznych i dalsza polaryzacja na kraje biedne i bogate czy zagrożenia dla rozwoju procesów demokratycznych i praw obywatelskich w skali cywilizacji globalnej. Trudności występujące w skali poszczególnych państw mogą być nie do pokonania w ramach instytucji ponadpaństwowych, globalnych. Stopniowo postępujący proces globalizacji, któremu towarzyszy rozwój doktryny neoliberalizmu ekonomicznego, stał się powodem - nie zawsze udanych - reform i przeobrażeń systemów szkolnictwa wyższego wielu krajów. W wyniku tworzenia się cywilizacji globalnej i nowych wymagań w zakresie kwalifikacji zmianie ulega także koncepcja funkcjonowania uniwersytetu i jego roli społecznej.
The diversity of development levels of various countries cannot be justified by better natural conditions. The so-called paradise islands are not its leaders, while some countries having difficult natural conditions (Scandinavia, Japan) are among the civilisation leaders of the world. However, as it turns out, the implementation of solutions selected from there brings limited success. Historically, this is a new situation. The assembly line production from Ford's factories was used effectively around the world, so were fastfood chains or containers in transport. Today, however, it is difficult to find such spectacular examples. This may surprise, as, still, there are significant differences in the efficiency of the economies of individual countries. In Europe, the gap between North and South does not decrease, and the United States and Mexico are far apart in this respect. And yet, with few exceptions, almost all economies are now open to the goods that are proven solutions. Even if everything cannot be transformed quickly according to the best models, progress should be achieved gradually by adapting individual elements of the economy in question along the lines of the best solutions, for example, used by the neighbouring countries. In this way, the development gap would slowly narrow down, or at least it would not widen. Yet, this method does not yield significant results. The reason seems to be the increasing integration and complexity of national manufacturing systems. This can be seen above all in the attempts to adapt foreign pro-innovation systems. Does this mean that such an implementation is not possible at all? Well, no. While it is ineffective to adapt the environment from above, it can be successful in triggering a process of self-adaptation that goes deep into the whole system. But it is a difficult operation, requiring a non-traditional (non-static) system approach. ; Zróżnicowanie poziomu rozwoju poszczególnych krajów nie da uzasadnić się lepszymi warunkami przyrodniczymi. Tzw. rajskie wyspy nie są jego liderami, natomiast szereg krajów o trudnych warunkach przyrodniczych (Skandynawia, Japonia) należą do czołówki cywilizacyjnej świata. Jak się jednak okazuje, implementacja wybranych stamtąd rozwiązań przynosi ograniczone sukcesy. Historycznie jest to nowa sytuacja. Produkcja taśmowa z fabryk Forda dała się zastosować efektywnie na całym świecie, podobnie sieci fast-food czy kontenery w transporcie. Obecnie jednak trudno znaleźć tak spektakularne przykłady. Może to zaskakiwać, ponieważ istnieją dalej znaczące różnice w efektywności gospodarek poszczególnych krajów. W Europie nie zmniejsza się dystans Północ – Południe, Stany Zjednoczone od Meksyku dzieli pod tym względem przepaść. A przecież, poza nielicznymi wyjątkami, prawie wszystkie gospodarki są obecnie otwarte na dobra jakim są sprawdzone rozwiązania. Jeśli nawet całości nie można szybko przekształcić według najlepszych wzorów, to powinno uzyskać się postęp stopniowo, adaptując poszczególne elementy danej gospodarki na kształt najlepszych rozwiązań np. u sąsiadów. W ten sposób dystans rozwojowy powoli ulegałby zmniejszeniu, przynajmniej nie powiększał się. Ta metoda jednak nie przynosi znaczących rezultatów. Powodem wydaje się być coraz większa integracja i złożoność krajowych systemów wytwarzania. Daje się to dostrzec przede wszystkim przy próbach adaptacji zagranicznych systemów proinnowacyjnych. Czy wobec tego taka implementacja jest w ogóle niemożliwa? Otóż nie. Co prawda nieskuteczne jest odgórne adaptowanie otoczenia, ale może się udać uruchomienie procesu samoadaptacji, idącego w głąb całego systemu. Ale jest to operacja trudna, wymagająca nietradycyjnego (niestatycznego) podejścia systemowego.
Niniejszy artykuł omawia kwestię własności państwowej w sektorze paliwowo- -energetycznym w kontekście bezpieczeństwa energetycznego na przykładzie wybranych krajów. Przedstawiony rys historyczny pokazuje szerszy kontekst procesów prywatyzacyjnych omawianego sektora zarówno na Zachodzie Europy jak i w byłych krajach socjalistycznych. Następnie poddano analizie stopień kontroli właścicielskiej państwa w poszczególnych, wybranych krajach. Szczególnie przeanalizowano relacje pomiędzy narodowymi (państwowymi) a prywatnymi (globalnymi) koncernami sektora paliwowo-energetycznego, a zwłaszcza sektora gazowo-naftowego. W podsumowaniu wskazano na brak jednolitego modelu postępowania w tym zakresie, wynikający z różnych uwarunkowań geopolitycznych i makroekonomicznych prezentowanych państw oraz na wyzwania wobec polskiego rządu, dotyczące wyboru wzorców najbardziej adekwatnych dla sytuacji naszego kraju i wprowadzenia ich w życie. ; The article discusses a relation in between energy security and state ownership of the enterprises active in energy and fuel sector. A history of privatisation efforts carried out both in Western Europe and in post-communist countries is presented to give background for current state of the governmental involvement in the sector. The main part of the article is devoted to individual analysis of selected countries representing various models of ownership policy, among others: USA, UK, Germany and Russia. These analysis are complemented by a chapter discussing the issue of competition between so called National Oil Companies, owned, or at least controlled by governments and Global Oil Companies, public but almost purely privately owned ones. They indicate a variety of ownership models applied or rather developed due to differences in size and structure of natural energy resources, balance of internal supply and demand, military strength, political position, particular model of free market economy in general, membership in key international organisations. All the factors mentioned have lead to a situation in which a total lack of governmental ownership in the sector's corporation can be attributed only to USA and UK. In all other countries analysed states act as important or even dominant shareholders in key energy companies, trying to pursue, in more or less open ways, their policies. Having understood that their results depend very much on the strength and international presence of state controlled corporations governments promote their business development through adoption of the most advanced managerial practices, research in technology and participation in global cooperation with key players in energy and energy related sectors. Therefore they do not exclude neither a partial participation of private investors nor bringing state controlled companies to, even foreign, stock exchanges. But always governments execute control over activities related to energy security and protect these corporations from hostile takeovers. On the other side governments actively support the controlled companies on various fields for example trying to weaken certain EU regulations, negotiating international agreements considering their presence abroad or granting licences for their own natural resources on preferential terms. In conclusion it is stated that no universal "correct" or "European" pattern regarding neither state ownership in energy companies nor using this tool for protecting energy security exists. Therefore Poland has to select solutions most adequate to it's own situation and apply them in the most effective way.
The vast literature on European political parties is dominated by works focused on analyzing activities of the highest branches of state governments. Yet, it is difficult to be surprised by this state of affairs — in Europe, central authorities remain as the main political decision-makers, both in terms of internal affairs and foreign policies. However, it does not change the fact that political parties active in and submitting electoral candidates throughout any given country are not the only entities influencing the quality of political decisions made. It is particularly the case in federation countries and the so-called regional states, where regional parties, as well as their particular variety — ethno-regional parties — gain increasing political significance. The intensification of research on the position of regional parties in political systems of individual European states, especially on the subject of their presence in representative organs on four levels — European, state, regional, and local — is definitely justified. The first argument in favor of such research is the fact that in contemporary Europe, these groupings play a major role in establishing regional imagined communities. As a consequence, scientists must attempt to redefine the existing relations between the core and the periphery. The second argument is the fact that in Western European countries, the relevance level of regional parties is rather high, which indicates that the field of operations for such parties is still widening. Thirdly, regional parties are indeed a political occurrence characteristic for "old Europe" states, but they can also be found in Central and Eastern European countries. It means that conducting research on Western European regional parties conducted in Poland can be particularly significant. Poland is a rather unitary state and a change in the constitutional order, adopted in 1997, which establishes such a form of regime, is rather unlikely. It does not mean however, that the influence of Western European standards will not have an impact on political events in Poland and the shaping of the local political scene. An indepth analysis of solutions adopted in individual Western European states in terms of the capacity for representational participation of regional collectives in electoral representative organs on European, national, regional, and local levels can allow for drawing appropriate conclusions and a substantive evaluation of chances of and threats to democracy, which result from including political representatives of regional collective into lawmaking and — in a wider context — the workings of the political system. Fourthly, an analysis of the functioning of regional parties in the framework of European political systems can significantly contribute to the understanding of some factors conditioning the so-called "unfreezing process" of political systems. Finally, it should be noted that despite the existence of several classifications of political parties, the authors researching the matter today usually propose the adoption of a division into party "families", since the main "rivalry poles" are similar in most European states. The assumption of divisions based on doctrinal stereotypes is the reason many authors question the purposefulness of including regional and ethnic parties in classifications, which indicate the existence of ideological "families". It does not, however, change the fact that they comment on the matter of the existence of such groupings in their works, which is why we can assume that this is a consequential research issue. Contemporary Spain is undoubtedly one of the most interesting examples of a European state, where the political rivalry between the core and the periphery indicates the existence of a substantial sociopolitical division in this aspect. It is clear that any attempt to describe the functioning of its party system based solely on a classification formed using traditional doctrinal stereotypes must lead to an incomplete, heavily distorted image. The political processes in this country during the last 150 years show that the socio-political division between the core and the periphery is not any less vital in Spain than the divisions based on the attitudes towards economic and ideological issues. It is clear there that at the turn of the second decade of the 21st century, in the midst of a serious economic crisis, the disappointment in elite politics on the political core level resulted in the rise of popularity of regional parties. It should be noted here that the research on Spanish parties from this party "family" must be coupled with devoting particular attention to a subtype of groupings, which advocate ethnic values. This is due to the specificity of periphery regions, differing from other state areas in language, customs or tradition of political institutions, but also in using these differences in political play by ethno-regional parties. From the perspective of a highly centralized state such as Poland, it definitely merits to examine the case of Spain. The first argument in favor of researching this field is the fact that despite granting autonomic rights to all regions of Spain, the state still retains the form of a unitary state. This work is therefore an analysis of occurrences within the context of a similar form of state, as opposed to those happening in a federation — a form foreign to Polish tradition. Secondly, adding to Polish literature and therefore widening the knowledge of regional parties in Spain may be useful in future in the context of gradual maturing of Polish democracy on local and regional levels. The state decentralization, which occurred in Poland after 1989 was probably one of the most difficult political processes carried out in the country. It is suffice to note that in 1990, at the dawn of the Polish Third Republic, only one level of self-government — the municipal government — was established. Further solutions in the local government reform area were not implemented until 1998, when the government of Jerzy Buzek decided to create county and province levels. However, those solutions are becoming a frequent subject of political and scientific discussion. These discussions often include the notion that the local government reform is a process, which has not been finalized in Poland yet. It is worth noting here that the requests related to directions of changes in the field of Polish decentralization often come from local and regional entities. It can be therefore presumed that the process of development of sub-state political elites will result in subsequent requests in the future. This can further exacerbate the sociopolitical core-periphery division. Consequently, the main goal of this work is to verify the research hypothesis, which assumes that the significant sociopolitical core-periphery divisions in Spain must have prompted the political elites of the central level - which were active after the demise of general Franco and guided the democratic transformation process, setting the state's territorial integrity as a main goal — to employ solutions for the creation, activity and financing of political parties, as well as for electoral laws, which would allow for communities from individual historical regions to maintain a representation in representative organs on four levels — European, state, regional, and local — therefore ensuring their significant position in the political system of contemporary Spain.
Chojnice's June '89. The local study of the shockwave process of democratization In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connec-ted with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has beenno empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliamentof People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoralconstituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate wereconducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constitu-ency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in BydgoszczProvince. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tendto be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and pheno-mena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in localconditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constitu-encies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local con-stituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based onprimary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorismto describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems;political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that politicalcompetition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington'stheory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitativeperspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatoryone. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is aboutlocal politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refersto the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to:continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carni- val of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989;political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; politicalwill of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the politicalsystem; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual natureof facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reali-ty; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections inChojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behaviorin Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural andethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots ontheir political choices.Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlightsnot only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergenceon local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fightbetween candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of PolishUnited Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, authorstresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members ofPUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles inthe northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election.The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary,bibliography, index and appendix.The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989.The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elec-tions to the Sejm and the Senate.The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local com-munists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change.The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence fromboth sides of the political conflict.The fifthh chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm andthe Senate.The sixth chapter shows election campaign.The seventh one shows election results.The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens inChojnice constituency.In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Choj-nice town, and Chojnice country.As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged aer empi-rical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People'sRepublic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power andauthority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selectedas democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudesin Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and thetradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest su-pport for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groupscalled Krajniacy and Borowiacy.
In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy.
In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy. ; Monografia powstała ona w wyniku analizy procesu wyborczego tzw. przełomu politycznego związanego z wyborami czerwcowymi 1989 r. Jest to studium zdarzeń i zjawisk z tamtego okresu, z okręgu wyborczego nr 14 Chojnice, który to okręg do Sejmu PRL obejmował w wyborach kontaktowych całą północną część województwa bydgoskiego i był jednym ze 108 takich okręgów w Polsce. W książce przedstawiono zarówno genezę decyzji politycznych stojących za wyborem przedterminowych wyborów w 1989 r. przez reżim komunistyczny, jak i między innymi proces wyłaniania liderów na listy wyborcze. Zaprezentowano postawy polityczne, kontekst społeczno-polityczny, stanowisko lokalnych struktur Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej i jej działaczy wobec perspektywy głębokich przemian politycznych, które zapowiadały wybory czerwcowe, jak i też zaprezentowano reakcje powyborcze chojnickich komunistów. Dokonano także analizy porównawczej, według podstawowej jednostki jaką była gmina, ukazując zróżnicowanie postaw również w odniesieniu do przynależności etnograficznej wyborców w okręgu wyborczym nr 14. Analizie poddano także wybory do Senatu, koncentrując się na przebiegu kampanii, kandydatach oraz wynikach z terenu północnej części województwa bydgoskiego. Całość studium jest wynikiem analizy materiałów źródłowych - tj. dokumentów Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej, Rady Państwa oraz Komitetu Miejskiego PZPR w Chojnicach i Komitetu Gminnego PZPR w Chojnicach oraz relacji i wspomnień.
