Suchergebnisse

Visoke i rastuće regionalne ekonomske nejednakosti u Hrvatskoj uz »parcijalnu decentralizaciju« sustava socijalne skrbi rezultirale su porastom socijalnih nejednakosti među hrvatskim građanima. Spomenuti procesi rezultirali su situacijom da se jedno od temeljnih načela socijalne države i socijalne politike kao što je načelo jednakosti sve više narušava. Navedeno ima za posljedicu da razina ostvarenja socijalnih prava građana u Hrvatskoj u sve većoj mjeri ovise o mjestu stanovanja i socioekonomskom statusu. Navedena tvrdnja je središnja hipoteza rada koja je eksplicirana analizom dostupnosti institucionalne skrbi za starije osobe po županijama u Hrvatskoj i lokalnih socijalnih programa izabrane četiri jedinice lokalne samouprave. Provedena analiza pokazala je značajnu razinu međužupanijskih nejednakosti u dostupnosti institucionalne skrbi za starije te isto tako analizom izdvajanja i strukture lokalnih socijalnih programa demonstrirala da je stupanj ostvarenja socijalnih prava građana Hrvatske u značajnoj mjeri neujednačen i ovisan o mjestu stanovanja i socioekonomskom statusu. Uzroci za navedenu situaciju nalaze se u neuspješnim politikama ujednačavanja regionalnog razvoja i parcijalno provedenoj decentralizaciji sustava socijalne skrbi. Zaključno poglavlje donosi određene preporuke za nositelje ekonomske i socijalne politike kojima bi se demonstrirane i rastuće socijalne nejednakosti hrvatskih građana potencijalno ublažile. ; High and increasing regional economic inequality with 'partial decentralization' of social welfare system in Croatia resulted in an increase of social inequality among Croatian citizens. The aforementioned processes resulted in a situation in which one of fundamental principles of social welfare and social policy, such as the principle of equality, is being seriously impaired. The result of that is that the realization of social rights of citizens in Croatia is increasingly dependent on the place of residence and socio-economic status. This claim is a central hypothesis of the paper which was demonstrated by analyzing the availability of institutional care for the elderly by county in Croatia and an analysis of local social programs of four selected units of local self-government. The analysis demonstrated a significant level of inter-county disparities in the availability of institutional care for the elderly and the analysis of local social programs has shown that the degree of realization of social rights of Croatian citizens is largely uneven and dependent on the place of residence and socio-economic status. The causes for that situation had come from the unsuccessful policies of harmonization of regional development and partial decentralization of the social welfare system. The final chapter provides specific recommendations for economic and social policy makers with potential positive effects which would decrease social inequality of Croatian citizens in the future.

The first translation of Mill's paper Podredenost zena (1869) has been recently published in Croatia. This work marks a break with the patriarchal paradigm within the liberal tradition. By tying the realization of liberal ideas of freedom & individualism to the elimination of inequality between the sexes, Mill gave back to liberalism its original critical & emancipatory character. Using this as the starting point, the article deals with the understanding of women's rights within the intellectual-political tradition Mill belonged to; sheds some new light on the nature & the meaning of his relationship with Harriet Taylor; & reconstructs Mill's theory on the equality of women in the context of his entire oeuvre. In the fourth & final part, the author looks into the relevance of Mill's ideas & points to certain intricacies & contradictions in his views. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The first translation of Mill's paper Podredenost zena (1869) has been recently published in Croatia. This work marks a break with the patriarchal paradigm within the liberal tradition. By tying the realization of liberal ideas of freedom & individualism to the elimination of inequality between the sexes, Mill gave back to liberalism its original critical & emancipatory character. Using this as the starting point, the article deals with the understanding of women's rights within the intellectual-political tradition Mill belonged to; sheds some new light on the nature & the meaning of his relationship with Harriet Taylor; & reconstructs Mill's theory on the equality of women in the context of his entire oeuvre. In the fourth & final part, the author looks into the relevance of Mill's ideas & points to certain intricacies & contradictions in his views. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents the results of the research on the reporting about the minorities in Croatian dailies between 2001 & 2003. Besides a review of the existing relevant international & Croatian studies, there is a special focus on the aspects of journalistic selection that vitally influence the readers' ultimate perceptions. The basic findings of the research show that the issues concerning the minorities are predominantly presented as political topics, & reported in journalistic forms with hardly any analytical articles. The representatives of the authorities & the media workers still regard the minority issues as the political ones. The politicians & state officials do this by means of their activities & programs under the pressure of various segments of the public, while journalists do this mainly because of the restrictions of the editorial policies & their paper's profile. At the same time, the representatives of the minorities as a rule do not know how to foist their issues on the media & to focus more on the cultural, social & other aspects of their life, which is vital for their full social integration & their positive public image. 3 Illustrations, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents the results of the research on the reporting about the minorities in Croatian dailies between 2001 & 2003. Besides a review of the existing relevant international & Croatian studies, there is a special focus on the aspects of journalistic selection that vitally influence the readers' ultimate perceptions. The basic findings of the research show that the issues concerning the minorities are predominantly presented as political topics, & reported in journalistic forms with hardly any analytical articles. The representatives of the authorities & the media workers still regard the minority issues as the political ones. The politicians & state officials do this by means of their activities & programs under the pressure of various segments of the public, while journalists do this mainly because of the restrictions of the editorial policies & their paper's profile. At the same time, the representatives of the minorities as a rule do not know how to foist their issues on the media & to focus more on the cultural, social & other aspects of their life, which is vital for their full social integration & their positive public image. 3 Illustrations, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is the argument that Rawls cannot be a Kantian, because he -- unlike Kant -- was faced with the pluralism of the contemporary innovative society, in which individuals are not divided into the existential winners & losers solely on the basis of different traditions but also of different innovations. Rawls thinks that this fact of pluralism may only be a posteriori politically regulated in a way that it is permanently cultivated to the level of political, moral, & legal order, acceptable for citizens, which gives legitimacy to the inequalities among them. Individuals are thus linked into a political community by means of justice understood as fairness. In this type of justice, citizens allow for the inequalities because they live in uncertainty or vagueness, which the author considers to be conditio humana in the innovative society. Under such circumstances. the author concludes, fairness is an ability to cope with ail unfamiliar injustice. 7 References. Adapted from the source document.

Jacques Bidet's theory of modernity is a fascinating research project which confronts us in a challenging way with a series of key theoretical & practical problems. The text focuses on the concepts of metastructure, domination, class & democracy. The most important concept is "metastructure," which is to be perceived as all coordination & legitimation resources (on the economic, legal-political & cultural levels -- the overcoming of any transcendental order) at the disposal of the citizens of modernity. These resources can be combined in several different ways, in varied structures of modernity. How are we to understand the ontological status of this metastructure? A full answer confronts us with another question: is it possible to offer a scientific explanation of the genesis of this modern (meta)structure? Thus, if metastructure is some sort of general grammar of modernity, the social structures are an actualization of the possibilities of metastructure according to the spectrum ranging from the extreme of planned collectivism to the extreme of liberistic capitalism. Consequently, the duality of modernity is manifest in the fact that it is characterized, on the one hand, by universalistic legitimacy and, on the other, by the persistence of forms of (class) domination. According to Bidet, in capitalism a dominant class will be established with two poles -- property & competence -- which correspond to the interlinkage of market & organization in such a form of society. For this reason, an attempt to achieve emancipation from the domination of the proprietor, in the case of planned collectivism, developing to the full the organizational dimension in order to satisfy the social needs in a more egalitarian way, necessarily results in the organizer's domination. But the thesis that the dominant class in capitalism has two poles (property & competence) is met with the objection that simultaneously too much & not enough is said about the second pole of this class (of managers). Namely, it remains unclear how we must think the unity of capitalist domination in the plurality of spheres of social power; & if, on the contrary, we must abandon this unity, why should we limit ourselves to only two poles? The author concludes with a discussion of two questions which he deems to be decisive: to what extent can the inequalities related to property or competence be designated as class relations or forms of domination? And what is the relation between various modalities of class relations or relations of domination, & the institutions of modern poliarchic democracy which is centered on the multi-party system? Adapted from the source document.