Suchergebnisse

Inequality is usually studied with a focus on economic factors, such as income and wealth, and with reference to a brief period of time, basically the period of data collection. This article argues that this approach is misleading and does not allow us to understand inequality, let alone society at large. Inequalities and social hierarchies comprise more than economic factors but also cultural factors, as Pierre Bourdieu has shown. Bourdieu, however, neglected the historical dimension. Classes and habitus types are rooted in long traditions, which have to be studied over centuries, not months or years. Capitalist societies develop hierarchies of social classes, which are shaped by pre-capitalist hierarchies. These earlier hierarchies tend to persist for decades or even centuries after the capitalist transformation. I refer to these earlier hierarchies as sociocultures, since they form not only hierarchies but also cultures, which reproduce from one generation to the next. Edward P. Thompson has demonstrated this with regard to the English working class. In the article, I will introduce the concept of socioculture as it is used in studies of social inequality.

The following article presents a series of hypotheses to analyze the possible transitions between protest and civil war and their relation to inequality. To do so, the article presents an analysis on the emergence of protests and its relation with the increase in inequality across the world. This increase in inequality can in fact lead to social unrest, instability and in some cases facilitate the emergence of future armed conflicts. Thus this scenario of increased inequality presents different possible trajectories: 1) protest generated by inequality can escalate into civil conflicts and civil war, or 2) protest generated by inequality can facilitate processes of participation and democratic consolidation. The possibility of either of these transitions taking place is defined by the structural conditions that define the interactions between protestors and authorities in particular settings.

Based on theoretical references (theses, dissertations, literary chronicles), the text provides an overview in the form of a reflection on the problem of inequality in education in Brazil during the pandemic period. The focus is on secondary school youth (mainly affected by the National High School Examination - ENEM) and their mental health. The article has three main objectives; 1) Reflection and critical reading 2) Thinking about the importance of effective actions and practices 3) Showing the relevance of quality education (as opposed to conservative political thinking in vogue in Brazil). With the analyses, it was possible to notice an intensification of inequalities in the Brazilian political scenario in the year 2020.

"Globalization is a concept used to describe a wide range of social, political and economic phenomenons, either as cause or as result, phenomena that without an ideological or analytic frame can lead to the loss of meaning and to confusing the objective for which it is used," Jorge Chen Carpentier, sociologist and Mexican diplomat, tells us. In this essay under his authorship he analyzes this central problem of our time, as well as its effects upon Latin America and the Caribbean, a region that is not completely condemned to internal crises, but neither can hope that the required changes will arise spontaneously from greater external exchange. ; "La globalización es un concepto utilizado para describir un amplio número de fenómenos sociales, políticos y económicos, ya sea como causa o como resultado, lo que sin un marco ideológico o analítico, puede llevar a la pérdida del significado y a confundir el objetivo para el cual se emplea", nos dice el sociólogo y diplomático mexicano Jorge Chen Carpentier. En este ensayo de su autoría se analiza este problema central de nuestro tiempo, así como sus efectos en América Latina y el Caribe, región que no está condenada fatalmente a las crisis internas, pero tampoco puede esperar que los cambios que requieren surjan espontáneamente de un mayor intercambio con el exterior.

Este documento hace un diagnostico multidimensional de las brechas regionales que existen en Colombia a nivel departamental y de su persistencia en el tiempo. Así mismo se estudian las causas de la inequidad regional. La evidencia presentada sugiere que las diferencias institucionales de largo plazo explican las desigualdades regionales actuales. Para el diagnóstico se utiliza un conjunto amplio de variables socioeconómicas incluyendo variables de ingreso y actividad económica, variables de capital humano, medidas de pobreza y desigualdad, variables de comportamiento político, variables de aislamiento geográfico, y variables de esfuerzo o dependencia fiscal. El documento también revisa algunas experiencias internacionales exitosas en la disminución de brechas regionales y plantea algunas sugerencias de política pública para el caso colombiano. ; This paper offers a multidimensional diagnosis of the Colombian regional gaps at the state level and their persistence overtime. The paper also studies the causes of the regional inequality and presents evidence suggesting that these are explained by long-term institutional differences. The diagnosis makes use of a large set of socioeconomic variables including proxies of income and economic activity, human capital, poverty and inequality, political behavior, geographical isolation, and fiscal effort and dependency. The paper reviews several international experiences that were relatively successful in reducing regional inequalities. It concludes by putting forward some policy prescriptions that may fit the Colombian case.

This paper attempts to show that the intellectual construct women's language is entirely justified on a political, ideological, and economic basis that stresses the fact that women have historically been victims of overt (and covert) discrimination and exploitation in our society. Linguistically speaking, however, a women's language seems not to exist in traditional strict terms, but rather as a rhetorical term used in the form of a synecdoche. Despite their incompleteness, two attempts of characterizing truly women languages, Nu Shu and Láadan, are discussed, underlining and recognizing their legitimate symbolic value as equalizing manoeuvres. Women have resorted to more subtle linguistic means to emerge as visible agents in our society. Linguistic resources go from a passive acceptance of the traditional all-inclusive generic masculine forms, through the equalizing use of both masculine and feminine markers, to the most progressive, liberal and controversial strategies of using feminizing forms, i.e. all-inclusive generic feminine forms. Women's struggle to overcome inequity and inequality is a legitimate endeavour which is leaving visible linguistic traces in our languages. Women are changing languages around the world.

En este artículo se aborda la problemática que padece la mujer mexicana, especialmente por la situación de inequidad que enfrenta en diversos ámbitos de la sociedad. No puede desconocerse que se han registrado grandes avances en esta materia. Sin embargo, tampoco puede negarse que estamos muy lejos como sociedad de alcanzar una verdadera igualdad de género. Incluso, se registran retrocesos en algunos temas relevantes como el de la atención a la salud, cuando se legisla en contra del respeto a las decisiones en torno a su cuerpo, o en la persistencia de las múltiples formas de violencia ejercida contra ellas. En estas páginas se busca destacar, de inicio, los avances registrados en el reconocimiento de los derechos de las mujeres para luego abordar las situaciones de desventaja que viven las mujeres mexicanas en la actividad productiva, en la salud, en la seguridad social, en la educación, en la pobreza, en la vida política y en la lamentable violencia que sigue ejerciéndose contra las mujeres.

The central hypothesis of this article is than in addition to the restrictions of inancing, the principal predictors of the access to the school system, the permanence in the school cycle and the maximum level of scholarship achieved by the individuals, are the socioeconomic conditions, the family background and the quality of the local environments. This article emphasizes in the capability of effective appropriation of the resources of inancing, rather than the failures of the decentralization model. The paper argues that the achievements of the educational inancing model are determined by the quality of the family and local environments. Additionally the paper afirms that there are relation between the aggregated inequality of the income and the permanence in the educational basic cycle. ; La hipótesis central de este artículo, a diferencia de otros estudios realizados sobre el sector educativo, es que además de las restricciones de recursos inancieros, los principales predictores de la inserción, permanencia y nivel máximo de escolaridad alcanzado por los individuos y en los diferentes ámbitos territoriales obedecen a las condiciones socioeconómicas, al entorno familiar y a la calidad de los ambientes locales en los que viven los individuos. El trabajo toma distancia respecto a los enfoques que hacen hincapié en los problemas de ineiciencia en la producción o en las fallas del diseño inanciero del modelo de descentralización educativa adoptado en el país a partir del año 1991 y asigna un peso preponderante a la capacidad de apropiación efectiva de los recursos. La conjetura básica es que la calidad de los entornos familiares y locales determina o condiciona los resultados del modelo de inanciación y que, adicionalmente, existe un nexo entre la desigualdad agregada del ingreso y las tasas de matrícula en la educación básica.

La hipótesis central de este artículo, a diferencia de otros estudios realizados sobre el sector educativo, es que además de las restricciones de recursos financieros, los principales predictores de la inserción, permanencia y nivel máximo de escolaridad alcanzado por los individuos y en los diferentes ámbitos territoriales obedecen a las condiciones socioeconómicas, al entorno familiar y a la calidad de los ambientes locales en los que viven los individuos. El trabajo toma distancia respecto a los enfoques que hacen hincapié en los problemas de ineficiencia en la producción o en las fallas del diseño financiero del modelo de descentralización educativa adoptado en el país a partir del año 1991 y asigna un peso preponderante a la capacidad de apropiación efectiva de los recursos. La conjetura básica es que la calidad de los entornos familiares y locales determina o condiciona los resultados del modelo de financiación y que, adicionalmente, existe un nexo entre la desigualdad agregada del ingreso y las tasas de matrícula en la educación básica.

¿A qué o a quién desean igualarse las mujeres?, se interroga la pensadora de la diferencia sexual Luce Irigaray. ¿Por qué no a sí mismas?, sugiere. Orientada por estas preguntas irigarianas, esbozaré una genealogía del pensamiento y la práctica de la diferencia sexual a través, fundamentalmente aunque no sólo, de la obra de la propia Irigaray y de la Librería de Mujeres de Milán. A lo largo de este recorrido, consideraré la práctica política de la diferencia sexual como una práctica de libertad y sugeriré que la libertad femenina, su sentido y sus posibilidades, constituye uno de los nudos de conflicto del feminismo contemporáneo. Para finalizar, apostaré por la potencial fecundidad de los conflictos en el feminismo. ; «Whom or what do women want to be equal to?» asks herself Luce Irigaray, the thinker of the sexual difference. «Why not to themselves?» she proposes. Oriented by these irigaraian questions, I am going to present a genealogy of the thought and practice of the sexual difference through the works of Irigaray and the Women's Bookshop of Milan. I am going to describe the political practice of the sexual difference as a practice of freedom and will suggest that feminine freedom, its meaning and its possibilities constitute one of the cores of the conflict in contemporary feminism. I will end my paper supporting the potential fecundity of the conflicts in feminism.

«Whom or what do women want to be equal to?» asks herself Luce Irigaray, the thinker of the sexual difference. «Why not to themselves?» she proposes. Oriented by these irigaraian questions, I am going to present a genealogy of the thought and practice of the sexual difference through the works of Irigaray and the Women's Bookshop of Milan. I am going to describe the political practice of the sexual difference as a practice of freedom and will suggest that feminine freedom, its meaning and its possibilities constitute one of the cores of the conflict in contemporary feminism. I will end my paper supporting the potential fecundity of the conflicts in feminism. ; ¿A qué o a quién desean igualarse las mujeres?, se interroga la pensadora de la diferencia sexual Luce Irigaray. ¿Por qué no a sí mismas?, sugiere. Orientada por estas preguntas irigarianas, esbozaré una genealogía del pensamiento y la práctica de la diferencia sexual a través, fundamentalmente aunque no sólo, de la obra de la propia Irigaray y de la Librería de Mujeres de Milán. A lo largo de este recorrido, consideraré la práctica política de la diferencia sexual como una práctica de libertad y sugeriré que la libertad femenina, su sentido y sus posibilidades, constituye uno de los nudos de conflicto del feminismo contemporáneo. Para finalizar, apostaré por la potencial fecundidad de los conflictos en el feminismo.

The three concepts mentioned in the title of my presentation are negative referential concepts, that is, they constitute the rejection or departure from supposedly more basic concepts which are -in this case- those of unity, similarity and equality. If this conceptual approach is admitted, I think that it is also possible to admit that the value or disvalue of the former will depend on the conception that one has of the latter. Given that, in turn, similarity and unity can, in a certain way, be referred to equality, I will try here to clarify the concept of equality (I), I will recall some versions of a pluralism that I consider morally and politically unacceptable (II) and, finally, I will propose to distinguish between those inequalities that must necessarily occur in any democratic society and the socio-cultural discriminations typical of totally exclusive regimes (III). [Fragment] ; Los tres conceptos mencionados en el título de mi presentación son conceptos referenciales negativos, es decir, constituyen el rechazo o apartamiento de conceptos supuestamente más básicos cuales son -en este caso- los de unidad, semejanza e igualdad. Si se admite esta aproximación conceptual, pienso que también cabe admitir que el valor o disvalor de aquellos dependerá de la concepción que uno tenga de estos últimos. Dado que, a su vez, la semejanza y la unidad pueden, en cierto modo, ser referidas a la igualdad, intentaré aquí precisar el concepto de igualdad (I), recordaré algunas versiones de un pluralismo que considero moral y políticamente inaceptable (II) y, finalmente, propondré distinguir entre aquellas desigualdades que necesariamente habrán de darse en toda sociedad democrática y las discriminaciones socio-culturales propias de regímenes totalitariamente excluyentes (III). [Fragmento]

Over the past decades there have been considerable changes in policies and institutions in favor of economic freedom in the EU countries. This trend coincides with widespread increases in income inequality in numerous EU member states. To what extent does economic freedom encourage inequality? This paper examines the relationship between economic freedom and income inequality in the EU countries using panel data for the 2000s. Data on inequality of income distribution refer to the Gini coefficient of income and the income quintile share ratio (the S80/S20 ratio) from Eurostat. Concerning economic freedom, we consider the Economic Freedom of the World index (EFI) reported annually by the Fraser Institute and the Index of Economic Freedom provided by the Heritage Foundation (HFI). In addition, we include some control variables in our regression specifications to correct for the influence that factors other than economic freedom may have on income inequality. We consider the three main approaches to regression analysis with panel data: pooled regression, fixed effects model, and random effects model. In this direction, the null hypothesis of no country effects is rejected in all estimations, implying that a pooled regression model is inappropriate. Thus, panel data models must be used, as they permit controlling for individual effects not controlled by the explanatory variables introduced in the models. The random-effect model is rejected in favor of the fixed-effects model. The empirical evidence suggests that economic freedom seems to entail greater income inequality, taking into account both overall economic freedom indices of the Fraser Institute and the Heritage Foundation. However, not all areas of economic freedom affect income distribution similarly. In accordance with the dimensions of economic freedom provided by the Fraser Institute, government size and regulation are robustly associated with a reduction in inequality, whereas legal system, access to sound money, and freedom to trade internationally seem ...