Suchergebnisse

This article deals with a history of the Association of the Romanies in Moravia (SRM), one of the most-known organizations of Romanies. The SRM, having a seat in Brno, is connected with it´s leader Karel Holomek, who is the core of the SRM activities. The SRM activities relate to culture, education of children and young, legal and social services, cooperation with the Museum of Romany Culture, etc. It also publishes semi-monthly periodical Romano hangos that has become quite respectable. The SRM is characteristic by an effort to solve the Romany-Czech coexistence problems in a balanced way. ; This article deals with a history of the Association of the Romanies in Moravia (SRM), one of the most-known organizations of Romanies. The SRM, having a seat in Brno, is connected with it´s leader Karel Holomek, who is the core of the SRM activities. The SRM activities relate to culture, education of children and young, legal and social services, cooperation with the Museum of Romany Culture, etc. It also publishes semi-monthly periodical Romano hangos that has become quite respectable. The SRM is characteristic by an effort to solve the Romany-Czech coexistence problems in a balanced way.

The author uses the concept of reconciliation processes/reconciliation issues, which is usually used in the environment of churches or in applied theological discourses respectively, in connection with the specific contribution of Christian churches to the historical settlement & reconciliation among the European states & nations after the 2nd World War, especially in Central Europe. He analyses & compares in detail the Polish-German & Czech-German issues. While thanks to the important position of the Church (or churches) in the Polish & German societies, these activities (or initiatives) met with a great response as early as the 1960s -- and gained a great importance also on the official level of the (West-)German-Polish relations, in the Czechoslovak-(West-)German relations, this factor long remained absent or entirely marginal. But after the political change(s) of 1989 the churches became involved in the shaping of the newly formed bilateral relations between the unified Germany & the successor states of former Czechoslovakia & greatly contributed to their having a deeper anchorage in Europe. The author backs up in a detailed way the relevance of this phenomenon, especially in Czech-German relations (or generally in church initiatives/activities with a German participation), but less so in the mutual relations (and initiatives) between the Central European churches. On the contrary, the previously highly visible church engagement in the Polish-German case fell off in the 1990s. The Central European churches gradually naturally realized again the advantages & difficulties of their role as a trans-national/non-state actor -- and as one of the important players of the so-called public diplomacy. This role culminated in the 1990s in connection with their social & political emancipation in the post-communist states -- and at the same time it started to dwindle in importance as a consequence of the secularization processes which accelerated considerably & often a surprisingly during the 1990s (and also in the subsequent years) in this part of Europe. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of the article is to outline the theoretical grounds of regionalism &, in particular, to explain the basis of this new phenomenon, its forms (stages) & historical development. The core of the explanation is a "new" regionalism as the third wave of regionalism in the world economy: its interpretation, causes, diversity & cases of regional integration. Furthermore, trends in regional development of trade initiatives have been outlined (from the "old" to "new" regionalism, from a "looser" to "deeper" integration, from individual cases to "global" regionalism.) In the conclusion, areas requiring further examination in connection with the impact of regionalism on the Czech economy have been defined. Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

A common initiative of the European Parliament and the European Commission resulted in the unification of the rules governing lobbyists at EU level in June 2011. The aim of this paper is to fill the gap in the literature as regards evaluation of the new system of the EU Transparency Register using the CPI methodology and to generate a numerical value for the scheme for further comparative purposes. Detailed analysis of relevant documents indicates that the current EU scheme's index is 26, which mirrors its supposed low level of stringency. Thorough comparison with past regulatory schemes of the Parliament and Commission reveals that, surprisingly, it is the European Parliament which has made greater steps in lobby regulation, especially towards enhancing transparency in lobbying. Although the new scheme represents a compromise between both institutional approaches, regarding its individual elements, there is a clear dominance of the Commission's approach, which can be regarded as the true leader of reform. ; A common initiative of the European Parliament and the European Commission resulted in the unification of the rules governing lobbyists at EU level in June 2011. The aim of this paper is to fill the gap in the literature as regards evaluation of the new system of the EU Transparency Register using the CPI methodology and to generate a numerical value for the scheme for further comparative purposes. Detailed analysis of relevant documents indicates that the current EU scheme's index is 26, which mirrors its supposed low level of stringency. Thorough comparison with past regulatory schemes of the Parliament and Commission reveals that, surprisingly, it is the European Parliament which has made greater steps in lobby regulation, especially towards enhancing transparency in lobbying. Although the new scheme represents a compromise between both institutional approaches, regarding its individual elements, there is a clear dominance of the Commission's approach, which can be regarded as the true leader of reform.

This article aspires to overcome the barriers to a dialogue between the problem-solving and critical approaches to international peacebuilding. From the perspective of modern constructivism hypotheses are formulated concerning the influence of international peacebuilding on the development of sustainable democratic self-governance in the target countries. The hypotheses are tested on two cases of international initiatives in the post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina -- the cases of the defense and the police sector reforms. The empirical analysis then validates the hypotheses, and the results are presented in charts. The main idea of the article is that adherence to the principles of liberal governance in the course of international peacebuilding is considerably vital for the build-up of liberal peace in the target country in itself. Adapted from the source document.

The study analyzes the formal powers of current European monarchs, and examines their actual use. We investigate the royal prerogatives of monarchs from ten European nations: Belgium, Denmark, Lichtenstein, Luxembourg, Monaco, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The text deals with four powers - legislative initiative, royal assent/veto, selection/appointment of the prime minister and dissolution of parliament. The constitutional power is described first; its real use in the period of 1990-2012 is then examined. At the end, a comparison of every single prerogative is carried out, conclusions about the actual position of monarchs in current European political systems are drawn, and a tentative answer to questions concerning the future of kings, princes, and grand dukes serving as heads of state in European countries is suggested. Adapted from the source document.

This study aspires to harness the impulses of the critique of international peace initiatives (IPIs) up to this point for the purposes of improving the practical inquiries into them. In the study, attention is given namely to the questions of the initial normative and epistemological premises of the research. The study argues, in agreement with the precepts of critical political theory, that the inquiry into IPIs should first of all strive to emancipate people in postconflict situations. With respect to the IPIs' general aim of transforming the target countries into stable, independent and prosperous states and societies, the focus is directed at the influence the IPIs exert upon social structures in the postconflict societies. With the aim to conceptualize a basic framework for the research, the contemporary thinking on the IPIs is interpreted with respect to International Relations theories and the fundamental metatheoretical questions of social theories. Consequently, in keeping with the philosophy of scientific realism, a critical constructivist position is formulated for the given purposes. Adapted from the source document.

This paper is focused on the sub-regional level of integration in the region of Southern Africa. It aims to sketch the formation and operation of the most important development corridors (DC), spatial development initiatives (SDI) and industrial development zones (IDZ). From a theoretical point of view, this article is based on the concept of the new regionalism approach (NRA), especially with its emphasis on non-state actors (such as civic society, private enterprises, and financial corporations) in the process of integration. The hypothesis of the text is the following: sub-regional integration is currently the most dynamically developing form of integration. Judging by the way it exists and works, it has the best potential to contribute to African economic development. The paper summarizes the most important cases of sub-regional integration projects, describes their specificities and main characteristics, and points out some weak and strong features of this kind of integration. Adapted from the source document.

It is obvious that lobbying in European institutions is an inseparable part of the EU legislative process. The growth of lobbying & the greater sensitivity of European institutions to their public image have resulted in lobbying being more closely regulated now. The basic purpose of all regulation & codes is to bring lobbying into the open. The regulation of lobbying in Brussels seems essential so as to introduce greater transparency in EU law making. The aim of this paper is to outline the particularities of lobbying regulation in the European Commission & the European Parliament, ie., the two most lobbied EU institutions. The European Commission, with its monopoly of legislative initiative, offers a unique possibility to influence the process of legislation formation from the very beginning. The EP has been able to amend legislation since the enactment of the Single European Act in July 1987, thereby incorporating certain interests & policy aims in the decision making process. The paper aims to tackle the following questions: What is the development of European institutions' attitudes towards interest group actions? Are there any explicit regulation criteria for the assertion of interests? In this respect, does the EU act homogenously or not? And in the case that it does not, is there any substantiation for different approaches? Adapted from the source document.

The first part of the text describes the development of contacts between various pacifist and green initiatives in Western Europe on one side, and part of Czech dissent on the other. It explains the factors that led -- despite early euphoria and the affinity of some West-European and Czech ecological politicians -- to the gradual cooling of relations between European and Czech Greens. The next part is dedicated to the role of some West-European Greens in the "dark-green" revolution in the Czech Green Party from 200203, their eventual disappointment, as well as the influence of intra-party conflict in the Czech Green Party concerning the structure of the European Greens. The subsequent section is a description and explanation of the direct interference by some European green politicians in conflict within the Czech Green Party, involving Milan Horacek, Petr Uhl and Ivan Dejmal on one side and Jakub Patocka and Jan Beranek on the other. The text also deals with the activities of Milan Horacek -- the first Czech deputy from the (German) Greens, as well as relations between the youth sections of the European and Czech Greens. The article concludes with a prediction of future relations between Bursik's Czech Green Party and Patocka's Czech Green Party on one side, and European Greens on the other. Adapted from the source document.