Suchergebnisse

Political parties are the key element of the representative formula of democratic system. The aim of the paper is to show parties' attitudes towards the citizen legislative initiative, being an institution of direct democracy. The analysis was carried out with the inclusion of the following three levels of party activity: conceptional, programme-related and functional. Both on the conceptional and programme-related levels there is a lack of reflexion and – in consequence – hardly any debate held on the essence of the institution of citizen legislative initiative, its significance and consequences with regard to the socio-political system. This results in an almost mechanical acceptance of concrete legal solutions, which – at the next stage, i.e., that of realization of these records – ends in an escape from the problem (here: prolonging works of Parliament or an instrumental making use of citizens' activity).Both ruling parties and those in the Opposition – despite obvious differences in the approach towards institutions of direct democracy – are joined by an axiologically justified dislike of strengthening these forms of citizens' engagement, which diminish the area of representative democracy.

Political parties are the key element of the representative formula of democratic system. The aim of the paper is to show parties' attitudes towards the citizen legislative initiative, being an institution of direct democracy. The analysis was carried out with the inclusion of the following three levels of party activity: conceptional, programme-related and functional. Both on the conceptional and programme-related levels there is a lack of reflexion and – in consequence – hardly any debate held on the essence of the institution of citizen legislative initiative, its significance and consequences with regard to the socio-political system. This results in an almost mechanical acceptance of concrete legal solutions, which – at the next stage, i.e., that of realization of these records – ends in an escape from the problem (here: prolonging works of Parliament or an instrumental making use of citizens' activity).Both ruling parties and those in the Opposition – despite obvious differences in the approach towards institutions of direct democracy – are joined by an axiologically justified dislike of strengthening these forms of citizens' engagement, which diminish the area of representative democracy.

In this paper, the U.S. stance under the administration of President
Donald Trump with regard to the Three Seas Initiative (TSI) is analysed.
It shows the importance of Central and Eastern Europe in U.S. foreign and
security policy, concluding that the Americans treat the TSI as an instrument for achieving their own goals, especially those in energy policy.

When the political camp centred on the Law and Justice party
(PiS) came to power in 2015, it led to a change in priorities in Polish foreign policy. The Three Seas Initiative (TSI), understood as closer cooperation between eastern states of the European Union in the area between the Baltic, Adriatic, and Black seas, has become a new instrument of foreign policy. The initiative demonstrates the growing importance of Central and Eastern Europe in the global game of great powers. The region has become a subject of rivalry, not only between the United States and Russia but also China. Therefore, the main objective of this article is to try to describe the importance of the region to Germany and how Germany's stance on the TSI has evolved. The article consists of three parts, an introduction to the issues, the genesis of the TSI, and the definition of goals set by the states participating in this initiative, as well as analysis of the German stance towards the initiative since its development in 2015. The theories of geopolitics and neorealism are used
as the theoretical basis for the analysis.

Since 2015, Polish foreign policy has witnessed a gradual rise in
the significance of regional cooperation, as reflected in its enthusiasm for the Three Seas Initiative (TSI)1. The Initiative constitutes an in statu nascendi undertaking, one which aims to consolidate cooperation among states located in the region between the Baltic, Black, and Adriatic Seas. (In Poland, a popular acronym to denote the project is the "ABC initiative," which reflects the Polish names of these bodies of water [i.e., Adriatyk, Bałtyk, Czarne]. However, itmust be emphasized that the member states of the TSI do not operate invacuum, but rather within a broader institutional framework that includes the European Union, the Central European Initiative, and the Visegrád Group. This paper begins by outlining the prospective geopolitical determinants that will determine the success or failure of the TSI, with particular attention paid to issues of regional security. It concludes by analysing how the Initiative may become a new model for regional cooperation.

The aim of the article is to introduce and explain the concept of the Three Seas Initiative, to show the external perspective of this new regional cooperation format, and to briefly discuss the articles and reviews found in the journal's volume.

The Three Seas Initiative (TSI) constitutes a project involving the
cooperation of twelve European countries. Poland and Croatia, the founders of the TSI, are especially active in this respect. Even though Hungary seems the closest political ally of Poland, the country rarely participates in TSI actions. In addition, when pursuing its politics, Hungary remains in contradiction to the principles of the TSI- chiefly regarding energy policies. The paper aims to offer answers to questions concerning the significance of the TSI in Hungary's foreign affairs policies and the country's perception of such a form of cooperation in Europe.

The creation of the Three Seas Initiative (TSI), the political and economic format for 12 EU countries, is accompanied by a growing interest on the part of world powers and non-EU countries in the region. The aim of the research is to analyse the involvement of three Eastern European countries, namely Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova in projects developed under TSI. The research used a neorealistic approach. These countries belong to the post-Soviet area and, apart from Belarus, show a willingness to cooperate with Western institutions, which arouses a strong reaction from the Russian Federation. The research will result in determining their participation in projects implemented by TSI, including energy, transport, and digital infrastructure. These countries are on the way to working more closely with the Initiative, possibly under the new TSI plus format. The United States supports the expansion of the Three Seas Initiative.

Od grudnia 2012 roku do stycznia 2013 Fundacja "SocLab" i Fundacja "Ortus" (pionier medialabów w Polsce) zrealizowały badanie oceniające działania na rzecz budowy stałych instytucji typu medialab. Projekt był współfinansowany przez Ministerstwo Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego (MKiDN). Przeprowadzono ankiety wśród osób uczestniczących w warsztatach medialabowych Fundacji "Ortus" w latach 2010-2012 i deklarujących chęć udziału w takich warsztatach w przyszłości. Badanie objęło 52 osoby: 34 uczestników i 18 nie-uczestników.

The synergies between rapid information technology (IT) development and the shifting paradigms of economic transactions have led to the emergence of digital entrepreneurship. This study aims to investigate potential precursors affecting the intention of final-year business students to engage in digital entrepreneurship. This research was examining the IT acceptance among the business students by employing two tailored technology acceptance models based on the theory of planned behavior and theory of reasoned action models. A sample of 302 respondents were analyzed using SPSS and Smart-PLS. The results revealed that fresh graduates' intentions to engage in digital entrepreneurship were significantly influenced by their own attitudes towards IT. The study also reaffirmed that the dimensions of I. Ajzen's theory of planned behavior model, including attitude towards IT, perceived usefulness, perceived ease of use, subjective norms except perceived risk have a "direct effect" on undergraduates' interest in an Internet-based business model. Although the results have contributed to filling the paucity of the empirical research in digital entrepreneurship, particularly in the Asian region, the availability of information technology, government resources and support to affect digital usage and behavior are not to be underestimated.

The purpose of this paper is to seek the organizing principle of China's Belt and Road Initiative in terms of the People's Republic of China's overall foreign policy objectives, and, in order to do this, an understanding of the leadership of the Mid¬dle Kingdom becomes imperative. There are five generations of Chinese leaders since the proclamation of the PRC and obviously each of them has had distinct attitudes when it comes to foreign policy and the decision making process, since their actions have been the outcome of specific historical, social and geopolitical conditions. Notwithstanding, we see a continuity of grand strategies and application of the same principles of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, inherited from one establishment by the other. The current leader Xi Jinping, soon after getting to be General Secretary of the Communist Party in late 2012, expressed what might turn into the hallmark of his administration: "The Chinese Dream – the great re¬juvenation of the Chinese nation." Some months later the New Silk Road Strategy was proclaimed; the proposed revival of a great trade route which, two thousand years ago, bridged Eastern and Western cultures across the Eurasian continent, becomes in the 21st century the fulcrum of the Belt and Road Initiative and the blueprint of the actual Chinese foreign policy. ; Publication is a part of the project: Regional Center for International Debate in Lodz 2017–2018 Project co-financed by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Celem badań jest odpowiedź na pytanie o to, jakie są efekty dotychczasowej realizacji warsztatów typu medialab z inicjatywy Fundacji Ortus w Polsce oraz jakie są uwarunkowania ich dalszego rozwoju w kierunku budowy stałej instytucji. Podjęta analiza została ukierunkowana na osiągnięcie następujących celów teoretycznych i praktycznych: identyfikacja cech wizerunku warsztatów medialab organizowanych przez Fundację Ortus; określenie zakresu upowszechniania w Polsce koncepcji nowych instytucji kultury poprzez warsztaty medialab; określenie opinii i postaw wobec inicjatyw medialab ich uczestników i nie-uczestników; identyfikacja zakresu wykorzystania technik i form działań poznanych na warsztatach medialab przez ich uczestników; oszacowanie trwałości zawiązanych między uczestnikami warsztatów więzi i zakresu współpracy przez wspólnych przedsięwzięciach; identyfikacja dotychczasowych i potencjalnych korzyści i barier w realizacji inicjatyw medialab; ustalenie czynników wspierających i hamujących przyszłą działalność instytucji medialab w stałej lokalizacji; określenie cech potencjalnej roli instytucji medialab w regionalnej polityce kulturalnej i polityce innowacji; wskazanie potencjalnych rozwiązań na rzecz budowy polskiego modelu instytucji medialab.

The objective of this paper is to show the geopolitical dimension
of the TSI from a French point of view. The author presents the TSI implementation process, characterises Poland's rivalry with Germany and Russia in a historical context, emphasizes the important role of Germany in the entire project, and reviews Russia's attitude towards the region. The article includes numerous maps made by the author.

The new EU Strategy for the Danube Region came into force on April 13, 2011. Referred to as the Danube Initiative it assumes cooperation within a greater European macro-region covering 1,080,000 km2 with over 115,000,000 inhabitants. The region encompasses as many as fourteen states, six of which are currently outside the European Union. Brussels aims to develop an improved transportation network inside the region by means of water, rail and roads, achieve stronger commitment to environmental protection, contribute to increased prosperity in this part of Europe and improve institutional cooperation in order to fight corruption and organized crime. Achieving these challenging goals is to result in increased unification of the region, in particular its less developed territories, with the UE in terms of economy and social development. The implementation of the Danube Initiative does not involve the establishment of any new institutions or resources. The goals are to be achieved by making better use of current measures. ; The new EU Strategy for the Danube Region came into force on April 13, 2011. Referred to as the Danube Initiative it assumes cooperation within a greater European macro-region covering 1,080,000 km2 with over 115,000,000 inhabitants. The region encompasses as many as fourteen states, six of which are currently outside the European Union. Brussels aims to develop an improved transportation network inside the region by means of water, rail and roads, achieve stronger commitment to environmental protection, contribute to increased prosperity in this part of Europe and improve institutional cooperation in order to fight corruption and organized crime. Achieving these challenging goals is to result in increased unification of the region, in particular its less developed territories, with the UE in terms of economy and social development. The implementation of the Danube Initiative does not involve the establishment of any new institutions or resources. The goals are to be achieved by making better use of current measures.