Suchergebnisse

Demokratični deficit je že več desetletji stalnica akademskih razprav o Evropski uniji. Vsebina raziskovanj se je skozi čas bistveno spremenila, ohranja pa se temeljna misel, da se demokracija v Evropski uniji sooča z velikimi težavami. Zaupanje Evropejcev v Evropsko unijo je nizko, podobno velja tudi za občutek povezanosti z njenimi organi, zato je očitno, da so spremembe nujno potrebne. Z vsako večjo reformo pride do sprememb, ki bistveno vplivajo na razmerja moči med evropskimi institucijami in na njihov odnos do Evropejcev. Najvidnejše spremembe v zadnjih desetletjih so krepitev moči Evropskega parlamenta, ki se je razvil v vplivno institucijo, uvajanje institutov neposredne demokracije in druge reforme, ki jih je prinesla Lizbonska pogodba. Napredek pa je, žal, na drugi strani uravnotežen s pojavom mehanizmov in institutov, ki demokratična varovala zaobidejo. To so na primer ukrepi, ki so bili sprejeti kot odziv na dolžniško krizo evroobmočja in v velikem delu sploh ne spadajo med formalne pristojnosti Evropske unije. V svojem magistrskem delu sem analiziral in kritično ovrednotil procese, ki so bistveno vplivali na ključne organe Evropske unije, njihove spreminjajoče se medsebojne odnose ter predvidene učinke aktualnih reform. Pregledal sem širok izbor literature preteklih desetletji in predstavil različna teoretska izhodišča, na podlagi katerih avtorji skušajo opredeliti in analizirati demokratični deficit in z njim povezane tematike. Ključna ugotovitev mojega magistrskega mojega dela ni le, da so aktualne reforme premalo ambiciozne in demokratičnega deficita ne morejo odpraviti, ampak predvsem da demokratični deficit ni le kategorija akademskih razprav, temveč je zelo močno politično orodje in odločilno usmerja razvoj Evropske unije. Demokratični deficit je zato stalnica evropske demokracije in ne more nikoli biti povsem odpravljen, saj se ob razvoju Evropske unije vedno znova pojavlja v drugačnih oblikah, ki terjajo nove reforme in kritične analize akademikov, intelektualcev, državljanov, politikov in vseh drugih zainteresiranih strani. ; The democratic deficit has been a constant of all academic research on the European Union for the past few decades. While the scope of the research has changed considerably, the basic idea remains the same – democracy in the European Union is in serious trouble. Europeans' trust in the EU is low and the same goes for their connection with European institutions, therefore it is clear that changes are required. Every major reform alters the balance of power between European institutions and their relationship with European citizens. The most visible changes of the past decades are: the empowerment of the European parliament that has been transformed into an influential institution, the introduction of instruments of direct democracy and other reforms brought upon by the Treaty of Lisbon. Unfortunately, progress is balanced out by the emergence of various mechanisms and instruments that surpass all democratic checks and balances. For example, the measures that were adopted as a response to the European debt crisis were mostly not based on formal competencies of the EU. In my Master's thesis I analysed and critically evaluated the processes that crucially influenced the most significant European institutions, their ever-changing relationships and the anticipated effects of the current reforms. I examined a substantial body of literature from past decades and presented diverse theoretical starting points that the authors use to define and analyse the democratic deficit and related topics. The most significant finding of my Master's thesis is not only that the current reforms lack ambition and cannot eliminate the democratic deficit, but also that the democratic deficit is more than just a category of academic research and can often act as a strong political tool that decisively influences the development of the European Union. Therefore, the democratic deficit is a permanent element of European democracy and can never be fully eliminated as it always reappears in new forms that require constant reforms and critical analysis by academia, intellectuals, citizens, politicians and other stakeholders.

This paper focuses on understanding radio in the everyday life of young people:
the role it plays in the context of their family life; how it is positioned relative to
music; which novelties in the listening and selection of audio content do they practise. We rely on data from qualitative research performed in the project Media
repertoires among youth, which included semi-structured group interviews with 67 young people aged 12–19 years. The radio is not listened to on their own
initiative or individually, but with their parents; most often while they are driving
around in the car. Their everyday life is most notably marked by music, which they
primarily associate with listening on demand and at their own choice, through
digital devices. These media choices are complemented by podcasts, especially
among high school students.

Meje med državami članicami Evropske unije na nek način obstajajo le še na papirju – prebivalci Evropske unije lahko delamo v drugih državah članicah, podjetja pa na primer lahko poslujejo v drugih državah članicah pod istimi pogoji kot poslujejo domača podjetja. Notranji trg Evropske unije tako ponuja številne priložnosti podjetjem, ki želijo razširiti svoje poslovanje izven meja svoje države ter s tem izboljšati svoj položaj na zelo konkurenčnem trgu. Priložnosti, ki jih prinaša notranji trg Evropske unije, pa spremljajo izzivi in ovire, za katere je potrebno znanje in viri, tako finančni kot človeški, da se premostijo. Zaradi omejenosti sredstev so mala in srednje velika podjetja bolj izpostavljena izzivom ter se težje spopadajo z ovirami kot pa velika podjetja. Dejstvo, da so skoraj vsa podjetja v Evropski uniji mala in srednje velika podjetja, nalaga ustvarjalcem poslovnega in zakonodajnega okolja veliko odgovornost – malim in srednje velikim podjetjem, še posebej pa mikropodjetjem, je potrebno zagotoviti trg, na katerem lahko enakovredno nastopajo skupaj z velikimi podjetji. Znaten delež malih in srednje velikih podjetij v Evropski uniji je mnenja, da je prav zakonodaja tista, ki predstavlja najvišjo oviro pri njihovem poslovanju. Za zagotovitev skladnosti z evropsko oziroma nacionalno zakonodajo morajo nameniti velik delež svojih virov, kar nedvomno vpliva na njihovo poslovanje in konkurenčnost. Zavedajoč se izjemnega pomena malih in srednje velikih podjetij za evropsko gospodarstvo, Evropska komisija s svojimi predlogi, akti, ukrepi ter programi zmanjšuje administrativna bremena ter na ta način poskuša zagotoviti enakovredne konkurenčne pogoje za vsa podjetja, ne glede na njihovo velikost. Na vseh korakih cikla specifičnega akta/politike se posebno pozornost namenja malim in srednje velikim podjetjem, še posebej pa mikropodjetjem, ter administrativnim bremenom. Tako se že pri prvotnem načrtovanju pobude, ko Evropska komisija objavi t.i. časovnico, naredi preliminarna ocena potencialnih vplivov pobude na mala in srednje velika podjetja. Preden pa Evropska komisija dejansko predlaga nov predlog, se naprej skozi javno posvetovanje posvetuje z relevantnimi deležniki in oceni možne posledice predloga - to naredi s tako imenovano oceno učinka, ki je obvezna za najpomembnejše pobude in pobude z daljnosežnimi posledicami. Sama ocena učinka je del »MSP testa«, v okviru katerega se, med drugim, naredi natančna analiza učinkov predlagane pobude na mala in srednje velika podjetja. V oceni učinka je posebno poglavje namenjeno tudi analizi administrativnih bremen oziroma administrativnih stroškov, ki bi nastali s sprejetjem pobude, ki se ocenjuje. Rezultati te analize in »MSP testa« omogočajo podlago za odločitev, ali bodo mala in srednje velika podjetja morala upoštevati vse obveznosti, ki izhajajo iz pobude, ali bodo morebiti iz določenih obveznosti izključena oziroma bo za njih veljal blažji režim. Med samim izvajanjem posamezne pobude oziroma po koncu njenega izvajanja Evropska komisija z vrednotenjem redno ocenjuje uspešnost, učinkovitost, ustreznost in dodano vrednost ukrepov Evropske unije. V okviru Programa ustreznosti in uspešnosti predpisov – REFIT, ki je bil uveden z namenom narediti zakonodajo Evropske unije kakovostnejšo in lažjo, se izvajajo korektivni ukrepi obstoječe zakonodaje, vrednotenja in preverjanja ustreznosti, ter razveljavitve obstoječe zakonodaje, ki ne služi svojemu namenu. Ne glede na vse napore in ukrepe Evropske komisije za zmanjšanje administrativnih bremen še vedno obstajajo zakonodajni akti, ki so za mala in srednje velika podjetja, še posebej pa za mikropodjetja, zelo obremenjujoči. Leta 2012 so mala in srednje velika podjetja v javnem posvetovanju identificirala deset zakonodajnih aktov Evropske unije, ki so za njih najbolj obremenjujoči - Evropska komisija je v zvezi z identificiranimi akti, kjer je to možno, že ukrepala. ; In a way, borders between the Member States of the European Union remain to exist only on paper – for example, citizens of the European Union can work in other Member States, while enterprises can do business in other Member States under the same conditions as domestic enterprises. The internal market of the European Union offers numerous opportunities to enterprises which want to expand their business outside their country's borders and thereby improve its position on the very competitive market. Opportunities that internal market of the European Union brings are accompanied by challenges and barriers for which know-how as well as financial and human resources are needed to overcome them. Due to lack of resources, small and medium-sized enterprises are more exposed to challenges and face more difficulties with overcoming barriers, in comparison with large enterprises. The fact that almost all enterprises in the European Union are small and medium-sized enterprises imposes a great responsibility on creators of the business and regulatory environment – a market on which small and medium-sized enterprises, and especially micro-enterprises, will be able to equally compete with large enterprises must be ensured. A significant share of small and medium-sized enterprises in the European Union shares the opinion that legislation represents the highest barrier to conduct business. They have to allocate a great share of their resources in order to ensure compliance with European and/or national legislation, which undoubtedly impacts their operations and competitiveness. Being aware of the immense significance of small and medium-sized enterprises for the European economy, the European Commission is reducing administrative burden with its proposals, acts and programmes. In this way, the European Commission is trying to ensure a level playing field for all enterprises, regardless of their size. On all steps of a cycle of a specific act/policy, special attention is paid to small and medium sized enterprises, especially to micro-enterprises, and administrative burden. It starts with the planning of the initiative, when the European Commission publishes a roadmap, in which a preliminary assessment of initiative's potential impacts on small and medium-sized enterprises is done. Furthermore, before the European Commission actually proposes a new proposal, it first evaluates its possible consequences with a so-called impact assessment, which is obligatory for the most important initiatives and for initiatives with far-reaching consequences. The impact assessment is also a part of a "SME test", in the context of which a detailed analysis of initiative's impacts on small and medium-sized enterprises is conducted. Moreover, a specific chapter is dedicated to the analysis of administrative burden and administrative costs, which would be incurred with the adoption of the respective initiative. Results of the analysis and of the SME test represent a basis for a decision whether small and medium-sized enterprises will be included in all obligations, deriving from the initiative, or whether they will be excluded from certain obligations or will they be a subject to a milder regime. During the implementation of a specific initiative or at the end of its implementation, the European Commission regularly assesses the effectiveness, efficiency, relevance and added value of the European Union's measures. In the context of the Regulatory Fitness and Performance programme – REFIT, which was introduced with the intention of making the legislation of the European Union lighter and of greater quality, corrective measures of existing legislation, evaluations and fitness checks, as well as repeals of existing legislation which is not fit for its purpose, are carried out. Despite the efforts and measures of the European Commission to reduce administrative burden, legislative acts, which are very burdensome for small and medium-sized enterprises, still exist.

La mostra Oltre Aquileia. La conquista romana del Carso (II-I secolo a.C.) è realizzata dalla Società Alpina delle Giulie, il Centro di Fisica Teorica Abdus Salam (ICTP), l'Istituto di Archeologia dell'Accademia Slovena di Scienze e Arti, il Comune di San Dorligo della Valle - Občina Dolina nell'ambito del Progetto espositivo multidisciplinare: Castra, accampamenti militari romani a nordest . Il progetto è stato realizzato col contributo della Regione Autonoma Friuli Venezia Giulia – Direzione centrale cultura e Sport – Servizio attività culturali: Incentivi 2019 Annuali per iniziative progettuali riguardanti Manifestazioni di divulgazione della cultura umanistica . (L.R.16/2014 – delibera 33/2015). ; Razstavo z naslovom Onkraj Akvileje: rimsko osvajanje Krasa (2. in 1. stoletje pr. n. št.) so v sklopu Multidisciplinarnega razstavnega projekta: castra . rimske vojaške utrdbe na severovzhodu pripravili: društvo Società Alpina delle Giulie, Mednarodno središče Abdusa Salama za teoretsko fiziko {ICTP), ZRC SAZU - lnštitut za arheologijo in Občina Dolina. Pokrovitelji projekta so Avtonomna dežela Furlanija - Julijska krajina - Centralna direkcija za kulturo in šport - Služba za kulturne dejavnosti: Letna spodbujevalna piačila 2019, namenjena širjenju humanistične kulture (DZ 16/2014 - sklep 33/2015). ; The exhibition Beyond Aquileia: the Roman conquest of the Karst (2"d- 1st century BC) is organized by the Julian Alpine Society (Società Alpina delle Giulie), the Abdus Salam lnternational Centre for Theoretical Physics (ICTP), the lnstitute of Archaeology of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, the Municipality of San Dorligo della Valle - Obcina Dolina as part of the Multidisciplinary exhibition project: Castra, Roman military camps in the northeast . The project was carried out in collaboration with the Friuli Venezia Giulia Autonomous Region - Centrai Directorate for Culture and Sport - Cultura! Activities Service: 2019 annual incentives for project initiatives concerning the dissemination of humanist culture. {L.R. 16/2014 - resolution 33/2015.

Vprašanje kolektivnih pravnih sredstev v Evropski uniji je v zadnjih letih zaradi pobud evropskih institucij pridobilo veliko pozornosti. V praksi se ja namreč pokazalo, da je intervencija Evropske unije na tem področju potrebna, saj se instituti kolektivne tožbe v državah članicah zelo razlikujejo. Razlikujejo se po vrsti kolektivne tožbe, ki je na voljo, aktivni legitimaciji, uporabi sistema vključitve ali izključitve, financiranja tožbe itd. Heterogenost na tem področju je problematična, saj niso vsi državljani držav članic Evropske unije deležni enake pravne zaščite v primerih množičnih oškodovanj. Različne ureditve držav članic pa imajo tudi negativni vpliv na enotni notranji trg. V nalogi sem analizirala izbrane postopke s kolektivnimi tožbami v državah članicah Evropske unije in osvetlila razlike med njimi. Ugotovila sem, da je ukrepanje organov Evropske unije potrebno, da se zagotovi ustrezno urejene in uravnotežene mehanizme, ki prispevajo k učinkoviti zaščiti in izvrševanju pravic v primerih množičnih oškodovanj. ; The issue of collective redress procedures in the European Union has received a great deal of attention in recent years due to initiatives by the European Union institutions. In practice, however, it has become clear that the European Union intervention in this area is necessary, as institutes of collective redress vary greatly from one-Member State to another. They differ in type of collective action available, legal standing, use of an opt-in or an opt-out system, financing of the action, and so on. Heterogeneity in this area is problematic, as not all citizens of the Member States of the European Union enjoy equal legal protection in cases of mass harm. Moreover, different Member States arrangements also have a negative impact on the single internal market. In this thesis, I have analysed selected collective redress procedures in the Member States of the European Union and highlighted the differences between them. I have identified the need for actions by the European Union institutions to ensure that mechanisms are properly regulated and balanced to contribute to the effective protection and enforcement of rights in cases of mass harm.

To magistrsko delo analizira obrambno sodelovanje držav višegrajske skupine s poudarkom na sodelovanju na področju obrambne industrije in sodobne obrambne trgovine med državami. Čeprav se zdi, da je višegrajska skupina zelo povezana in trdna zveza držav, se v literaturi pojavljajo prav nasprotna mnenja. Četudi so vsem državam skupine skupne težave zaradi zastarele vojaške opreme in potrebe po modernih oborožitvenih sistemih ter kljub obetavnim izjavam politikov, je sodelovanje na tem področju zelo skopo. Obrambne industrije višegrajskih držav so čedalje bolj vpete v proizvodne procese zahodnih vojaških multinacionalnih korporacij, politični odločevalci višegrajske skupine pa še vedno niso pripravljeni izdatno podpreti iskrenega sodelovanja med državami, kot na primer skupnih dobav. Četudi lahko pri analizi obrambnih sektorjev skupine zaznamo celo vrsto strukturnih problemov, pa se obrambna trgovina višegrajskih držav ujema z njihovo zunanjo in varnostno politiko. To ujemanje samo po sebi ne izključuje ostalih težav v obrambnih industrijskih sektorjih, ki ovirajo sodelovanje držav, služi pa kot nadaljnji dokaz, kako so obrambno-industrijski sektorji držav tesno povezani z njihovo zunanjo in varnostno politiko. ; This master thesis analyses the defense cooperation of the Visegrad group countries with specific focus on the collaboration initiatives in the defence industry sector and ongoing arms trade relations among the countries. While the Visegrad group seems a coherent and a solid group of countries, many experts on this field argue quite the contrary. Despite the common issues regarding the obsolete military force, the need for newer or modernized weapon systems and, above all, the political declarations promoting the defence industry cooperation among the group countries, there have been little steps taken apart from the promising rhetoric. The countries' defence industries are progressively more involved in the work process of the Western defence corporations, while the political decision makers are still not really keen on genuine cooperation such as common acquisition of arms in intra-group level. While a whole set of obstacles for the deeper cooperation can be identified, foreign and security directions of the countries resemble the trade relations in the arms market. Although this matching as such does not necessarily prove that the group's foreign and security policies solely and by itself negatively contribute to the closer defence industry cooperation, it serves as another proof how the defence industrial complex is tightly connected to one country's foreign and security policy.

V institucionalni ureditvi Evropske unije je Evropski parlament (EP) tisti, ki direktno zastopa vse Evropejce, s čimer Uniji postavlja demokratične temelje. Pri tem igra pomembno vlogo njegova medijska prisotnost, če želijo politične skupine znotraj parlamenta svoje volivce povezati in jim učinkovito predstaviti delo te temeljne institucije. Dovoljšno pozornost morajo nameniti komunikacijskim strategijam, s pomočjo katerih občinstvo informirajo, želijo pa seveda (pri)dobiti tudi njihovo podporo ; govorimo lahko o političnem marketingu. V magistrskem delu analiziram, kako to počne Skupina naprednega zavezništva socialistov in demokratov (S&D) v EP, kako učinkoviti so pri komuniciranju z državljani ter kaj so pri tem izzivi in priložnosti. Analiza pogovorov z medijsko ekipo politične skupine S&D je pokazala, da v glavnem ubirajo tri načine: komuniciranje s pomočjo tradicionalnih medijev – preko sporočil za javnost, s povečano aktivnostjo na družbenih omrežjih in s politično iniciativo v obliki interaktivnih dogodkov po Evropi. Svojo komunikacijo poskušajo ne glede na kanal ali formo čim bolj poenotiti, jo narediti pan-evropsko in predvsem razumljivo vsakdanjemu državljanu, kar pa je zaradi kompleksnosti evropskih politik mnogokrat izziv. Nadalje sem ugotovila, da pri zastavljanju komuniciranja v imenu 27 držav članic pomembno vlogo igrata multikulturnost in večjezičnost. Kot najbolj učinkovit pristop v svoji komunikaciji so v medijski ekipi navedli čim večjo personifikacijo in osebni stik, za kar skušajo kar se da povečati sodelovanje z evropskimi poslanci. ; Among the bodies of the European union it is the European Parliament (EP) that directly represents all the Europeans, laying down the Union's democratic foundation. In that context, its media presence is playing an important role if the Parliament's political groups are to connect with their voters and effectively present to them the EP's work. A communication strategy has to be set out in order to determine how to inform the audience and, of course, gain their support ; essentially, we talk about political marketing. In my master's thesis, I analyse how the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) in the EP is doing that, how effective they are in communicating with the citizens, and what are the challenges and opportunities. I interviewed the S&D's media team, which showed me that they mainly communicate in three ways: through traditional media – with press releases, with increased activity on social media, and through a political initiative in the form of interactive events across Europe. They try to make their communication as pan-European and understandable to everyday citizens as possible, no matter the channel of communication, which is often a challenge due to the complexity of European policies. Furthermore, the analysis showed that multiculturalism and multilingualism play an important role when trying to communicate on behalf of the 27 Member States. Finally, personalising their messages as much as possible proved to be a successful approach, for which they try to increase the cooperation with the Members of the European Parliament.

Dogajanje v času komunistične revolucije bistveno vpliva tako na stanje kot tudi na razumevanje sodobne slovenske družbene situacije. V disertaciji avtorica v luči idejnega nasprotja med krščanstvom in komunizmom ter na podlagi konflikta, ki se je obenem razvil v obdobju revolucije, razišče vzroke in podlage za omenjeni vpliv. Avtorica v delu pokaže na temeljno povezanost sodobnega položaja in komunistične revolucije na Slovenskem. Kot pojmovni okvir ter orodje za razumevanje izbere Girardovo mimetično teorijo in teorijo o grešnem kozlu. Girard namreč kulturo opisuje kot mimetični cikel, kjer posameznik posnema drugega (tako se začne že v samem otroštvu, ko otrok posnema starše in s tem postane družbeno bitje). Posnemanje je gonilo vsake družbe. Poleg tega pa posnemanje lahko omogoči tudi uničenje družbe, kulture. Girard vpelje grešnega kozla kot razrešitev konflikta, kjer imata dva subjekta enako željo in se skupaj obrneta proti grešnemu kozlu, ki zanju predstavlja vzrok mimetične krize, in je njegovo žrtvovanje pogoj za ponovno vzpostavitev družbenega reda in socialne varnosti. Ta teo-retični okvir omogoča tudi raziskovanje preteklih družbenih konfliktov, posebej pa tudi njihovih posledic v sodobnosti, vključno z vidiki spravnih procesov ter tranzicijske pra-vičnosti. Zato ga avtorica plodno uporabi pri omenjenem raziskovanju. Kot dve nasprotujoči idejni podlagi avtorica predstavi krščanstvo in komunizem, ki sta že v svojem idejnem temelju diametralno nasprotni, posebej pa ju prikaže preko Girar-dove teorije. Krščanstvo s krističnim pojmovanjem osebne svobode izstopi iz cikličnosti mehanizma grešnega kozla, komunizem pa prav nasprotno temelji na mimetičnosti. Žrt-vena znamenja v Girardovem pojmovanju, ki opravičijo umor grešnega kozla, temeljijo na dejstvih, ki postanejo sprejemljiva za umor, ne glede na (ne)resničnost le-teh. Implementacija Girardove teorije na slovensko situacijo zajema dva ključna vidika. Prvi vidik je žrtvovanje nasprotnikov komunistične revolucije z žrtvenimi znamenji kolabo-racije, nemirov … Omenjeno žrtvovanje omogoči vzpostavitev totalitarnega komunisti-čnega režima v kraljevini Jugoslaviji in s tem tudi na Slovenskem. Komunizem kot tota-litarni režim ne dopušča alternative, človeka uniformira in osami. Obenem vzpostavi totalni nadzor in teror. Krščanstvo po drugi strani človeka opolnomoči z bogopodobnos-tjo in s tem edinstvenostjo, nedotakljivostjo, nezamenljivostjo ter svobodo. Drugi vidik pa zadeva dejstvo, da konflikt iz časa komunistične revolucije še vedno ni razrešen ter je vladavina prava in vzpostavitev demokratične družbe še vedno nedokon-čan projekt. Kljub demokratični državni ureditvi in propadu komunizma kot dolgoroč-nega družbenopolitičnega in ekonomskega sistema avtorica poudari dva izziva sodobne družbe na Slovenskem. Prvi je prisotnost komunistične ideologije v razmišljanju in delovanju posameznikov, drugi izziv pa je nezadostna uveljavitev tranzicijske pravično-sti. Omenjeni vidiki analize temeljijo najprej že v samem idejnem nasprotju in zasnovi tako komunizma kakor tudi krščanstva. Krščanstvo in komunizem sta v svojem temelju različna. Poseben poudarek je na vidikih dojemanja človeka kot svobodnega in razumskega bitja v obeh idejnih okvirih. Komunizem s komunistično revolucijo nastopi proti človeku, proti človekovemu dostojanstvu in proti človekovi svobodi in s tem krščanstvo postavi v obrambno držo. S tem pa tudi Cerkev, ki je kot ene vidnejših institucij komunistična revolucija ni prevzela in obvladovala, postane braniteljica človekovega življenja in človekovih pravic, obenem pa je postavljena nasproti komunistični revoluciji. Krščanstvo in tudi Cerkev se posluži različnih načinov obrambe in upora, ki niso vselej povsem skladni s krščanskim naukom. Metode obrambe so bile: krščanska drža v odnosu do vojne, do sočloveka, do okupatorja in do revolucionarnih sil, fizična obramba, sodelovanje tako z okupacijskimi kakor tudi revolucionarnimi silami, kulturna, medijska in politična udejstvovanja. Kljub temu je revolucionarno nasilje eskaliralo predvsem v zadnjih letih druge svetovne vojne in prvih letih po revoluciji. Situacije, v katere so bili postavljeni posamezniki na Slovenskem, niso bile enoznačne ali enostavne. Ni šlo zgolj za izbiro med revolucionarno ali protirevolucionarno stranjo, temveč so bile okoliščine zaradi okupacijskih sil bolj zapletene. Ljudem je grozilo neodobravanje, preganjanje ali nasilje z vseh strani. Komunistična partija je monopolizirala odpor proti okupacijskim silam. Že zametki kakršnekoli druge neodvisne organizacije upora so bili lahko kaznovani. Nemalo kristjanov je z namenom domoljubnosti ali nezmožnosti izognitve mobilizaciji postalo del osvobodilnega gibanja, ne glede na ideološko podlago gibanja ali organizacije, ki je gibanje organizirala. Cerkev kljub temu ni bila preveč zaželen partner v uporu, o čemer priča tudi Kardeljevo navodilo: "Duhovne v četah vse postreljajte" (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109). Ne zgolj navodilo, tudi načrtno degradiranje duhovnikov z zaporom, priporom, deportacijami in usmrtitvami so priča odnosu komunistične partije do cerkvenih dostojanstvenikov. Revolucionarno nasilje je pustilo neslutene posledice ne zgolj v tedanjem obdobju, temveč tudi za sedanji čas, pri čemer pri avtoričinem raziskovanju teh posledic pomembno vlogo igrajo tudi osebne zgodbe, odgovornost na osebni ter družbeni ravni in medgeneracijski prenos travm, ki onemogočajo pravo tranzicijo iz totalitarnega v demokratični sistem. Tranzicija in tranzicijska pravičnost je torej mehanizem, ki si prizadeva v polnosti izpeljati tranzicijo na osebni in družbeni ravni ter vzpostaviti zaupanje v državne institucije, delovanje državnih struktur. Situacija na Slovenskem sicer nakazuje na nekatere pozitivne učinke tranzicijske pravičnosti, kot sta denacionalizacija in odprtje arhivov. Še vedno pa umanjka uveljavitev pravičnosti na osebni ravni, pri čemer so pomemben vidik spravni procesi ter prekinitev medgeneracijskega prenosa travm. Podobno kot na osebni ravni umanjka pravičnost v javni sferi, na primer pluralizacija medijskega prostora, urejene gospodarske pobude, dialog med različnimi družbenimi skupinami, vključno z vstopanjem verskih skupnosti v javno razpravo, vzpostavljanjem zaupanja v državne institucije ipd. Pogled na komunistično revolucijo na Slovenskem skozi prizmo Girardovega grešnega kozla ponudi edinstven okvir, ki poveže razumevanje komunistične revolucije in komu-nističnega sistema s sodobnim položajem slovenske družbe. Po eni strani Girardov mehanizem grešnega kozla lahko razumemo kot dopolnjenega v komunistični revoluciji, po drugi strani pa mehanizem stremi k dopolnitvi v smislu celovite uveljavitve tran-zicijske pravičnosti. ; The events during the communist revolution significantly influence the state and understanding of the contemporary Slovenian social situation. In the dissertation, in the light of the ideological contradiction between Christianity and Communism, and on the basis of the conflict that developed during the revolution, the author explores the causes and grounds for this influence. In this work the author shows the fundamental connection between the contemporary situation and the communist revolution in Slovenia. She chooses Girard's mimetic theory and scapegoat as a conceptual framework and tool for understanding. Girard describes culture as a mimetic cycle, where the individual imitates the other (this starts from the very childhood, when the child imitates his parents and thus becomes a social being). Imitation is the driving force of every company. In addition, imitation can also become a destruction of society, culture. Girard therefore implements the scapegoat as a conflict resolution where the two entities share the same desire and together turn against the scapegoat, which causes them a mimetic crisis and its sacrifice is a condition for restoring social order and social security. This general theoretical framework also makes it possible – to explore past social conflicts, and in particular their consequences in the present, including aspects of reconciliation processes and transitional justice. Therefore, the author fruitfully uses it in the mentioned research. The author embraces Christianity and communism as two opposing ideological bases, which are already diametrically opposed in their conceptual bases, and are especially illuminated by Girard's theory. Christianity, with its cristian notion of personal freedom, stands out from the cyclical nature of the scapegoat, but communism is, on the contrary, based on mimeticism. Victims of character in Girard's conception that justify the murder of a scapegoat are based on facts that become acceptable for murder, regardless of the (un) reality of them. The implementation of Girard's theory on the Slovenian situation thus encompasses two key aspects. The first aspect is the sacrifice of the opponents of the communist revolution with the sacrificial signs of collaboration, riots, … This sacrifice makes it possible to establish a totalitarian communist regime in Yugoslavia, and thus in Slovenia. Communism, as a totalitarian regime, does not allow an alternative, it uniforms and isolates man. At the same time, it establishes total control and terror. Christianity, on the other hand, empowers man with uniqueness, inviolability, irreplaceability and freedom. Another aspect concerns the fact that the conflict from the communist revolution has still not been resolved, and that the rule of law and the establishment of a democratic society are still, in the eyes of many Slovenians, an unfinished project. Despite the democratic state system and the collapse of communism as a long-term socio-political and economic system, the author emphasizes two challenges of contemporary society in Slovenia. The first is the presence of communist ideology in the thinking and action of individuals, and the second challenge is the insufficient implementation of transitional justice. The aforementioned aspects of the analysis are based first of all on the very conceptual contradiction and conception of both communism and Christianity. Christianity and communism are fundamentally different. Particular emphasis is placed on aspects of the perception of man as a free and rational being in both conceptual frameworks. Communism, by communist revolution, stands against man, against human dignity and against human freedom, thereby placing Christianity in a defensive posture. In doing so, the Church, which as one of the most prominent institutions has not been taken over and controlled by the Communist Revolution, becomes a defender of human life and human rights, while at the same time it stands against the Communist Revolution. Christianity, as well as the Church, uses various methods of defense and rebellion that are not always completely in line with Christian teaching. The methods of defense were the Christian stance in relation to war, to fellow human beings, to the occupier and to the revolutionary forces, physical defense, cooperation with both occupation and revolutionary forces, cultural, media and political activities. Nevertheless, revolutionary violence escalated, especially in the last years of World War II and the first years after the revolution. The situations in which individuals in Slovenia were placed were not straightforward or straightforward. It was not merely a choice between a revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary party, but the circumstances were more complex rather than straightforward because of the occupying forces. People were threatened with disapproval, persecution or violence from all sides. The Communist Party monopolized resistance to the occupation forces. The rudiments of any other, independent organization of resistance could have been punished. Quite a few Christians, for the sake of patriotism or inability to evade mobilization, became part of the liberation movement, regardless of the ideological basis of the movement or the organization that organized the movement. The church was not, however, a much-desired partner in the resistance, as evidenced by Kardelj's instruction: "Shoot the priests in the troops." (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109) Not only the instruction, but also the deliberate degradation of priests through imprisonment, detention, deportation and execution, are witnesses to the Communist Party's attitude towards Church dignitaries. Revolutionary violence has left unprecedented consequences not only in that time but also in the present, with the author's exploration of these consequences also playing a significant role in personal stories, personal and social responsibility, and the intergenerational transmission of traumas that they preclude a real transition from a totalitarian to a democratic system. Transition and transitional justice is thus a mechanism that seeks to fully complete the transition on a personal and social level, and to establish trust in state institutions, the functioning of state structures. Although the situation in Slovenia points to some of the positive effects of transitional justice, such as denationalization, the opening of archives, it still lacks the enforcement of justice on a personal level ; for example, with regard to aspects of media pluralization, orderly economic initiatives, dialogue between different social groups, including the entry of religious communities into public debate, building confidence in state institutions, etc. The view of the communist revolution in Slovenia through the prism of Girard the scapegoat offers a unique framework that connects the understanding of the communist revolution and the communist system with the contemporary position of Slovene society. On the one hand, Girard's mechanism of the scapegoat can be understood as supplemented in the communist revolution, and on the other, the mechanism seeks to supplement in the sense of the full implementation of transitional justice.