Suchergebnisse

У овом раду разматрали смо допринос дела функционера најзначајнијег професионалног удружења музичара у међуратној Југославији – Савеза музичара у Краљевини СХС Југославији, спровођењу словенске културне интеграције. Пратећи деловање групе окупљене око званичног гласила организације Jugoslavenski muzičar / Muzičar, у међународним оквирима, издвојили смо кључне подухвате који су покренути у периоду између 1923. и 1929. с циљем зближавања и интеркултурне размене са словенским музичарима и стручњацима. Резултати анализе видова и интензитета колаборације загребачких музичара с музичарима из словенских земаља посматрани су у компарацији с резултатима ранијих истраживања. Циљ тога био је да се размотри да ли су и у којој мери настојања ове групације кореспондирала са сродним тежњама других југословенских и словенских музичара, као и с доминантним ставовима и праксом политичке и интелектуалне елите с ових простора. ; Although many Slavic peoples were given long-awaited political independence after the Great War, it did not suppress their strivings to attain stronger cultural bonds and cultural integration that thrived throughout the 19th century. In the new geopolitical circuimstances, All-Slavism was mostly interpreted as a vehicle to actualize the potentials of Slavs to create cultural forms of universal value through a synthesis of opposing values of Western and Eastern civilizations. Despite the fact that its definitions varied significantly depending on the differences of ideological basis of individuals and groups that promoted it, the common ground represented a belief that Slavs shared the same worldviews, values and spiritual properties and that this similarity needed to be used as an emancipatory tool – for mutual cultual exchange, support, development, and progress. In interwar Yugoslavia of 1920s, All-Slavism was particularly promoted among musicians and music specialists. Among the numerous keen supporters were the representatives of the Association of Musicians of the Kingdom of SCS/Yugoslavia gathered around the periodical Jugoslavenski muzičar/Muzičar (Yugoslav musician). Led by Fran/Franjo Šidak and Jaroslav Šidak, this group contributed to the expansion of All-Slavic tendencies in the Yugoslav public and music spheres. From 1923 to 1929, these musicians settled in Zagreb initiated numerous activities aimed at developing collaboration with Slavic musicians around Europe. Unlike many like-minded groups in different Slavic countries of the time, Zagreb musicians created friendly relations with their Soviet colleagues, specifically with the leaders of the Всесоюзным профессиональным союзом работников искусств, ВСЕРАБИС (All-Soviet Professional Association of Art Workers). During the five years of extensive exchange with other Slavic musicians and specialist, they established fruitful correspondence and coperation with Bulgarian musicians, most of all with the high representatives of Bulgarian musical organizations. As a result of that, series of articles dealing with Bulgarian music history and musical life were published in Jugoslavenski muzičar/Muzičar together with detailed reports, while a number of essays of Yugoslav authors were reprinted in Bulgarian music journals. Results of the analysis of type and extent of collaboration between Zagreb and other Slavic musicians were compared with the results of previous researches. The aim of this paper was to consider whether the efforts of this group corresponded with the related tendencies of Yugoslav and Slavic musicians, as well as with the dominant views and practices of the Yugoslav political and intellectual elite.

The author gives a brief account of the (active or passive) complicity of the overwhelming majority of Serbian intellectuals in the Serbs' war on Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina and the war crimes and crimes against humanity author then argues that in view of this complicity, intellectuals outside Serbia should not be doing "business as usual" with their Serbian colleagues. He advances an argument for a comprehensive, but selective, boycott of Serbian intellectuals as the morally appropriate response of intellectuals the world over. (SOI : PM: S. 94)

After the Lisbon Treaty has entered into force, the process of concluding treaties between the EU and third countries or international organizations has sustained significant changes. The most important procedural novelty is the establishment of the ordinary procedure that covers almost all agreements the EU concludes with third parties. Under the Lisbon Treaty, this procedure involves a number of stages: negotiations, signing the agreement, and decision to conclude the agreement. For agreements whose subject matter exclusively or predominantly falls into the domain of common foreign and security policy, there are several derogations from the uniform rules of the ordinary procedure. The same provision of the founding treaty regulates the procedures for amending and suspending the agreement in force, as well as the judicial control procedure of those agreements that are yet to be concluded. The ordinary procedure does not cover two subject-specific proceedings pertaining to relatively narrow areas of EU action. More specifically, they refer to the conclusion of agreements in the area of common trade policy and agreements on the exchange rate of the Euro against the currencies of non-member states. The exclusion of trade agreements is probably the result of the differences that still exist in the division of competencies between the Member States and the EU regarding trade in the area of some services. On the other hand, the enactment of a special procedure for agreements on the Euro exchange rate in relation to the national currency rates of third countries stems from the need to ensure the Union's unique position in this field. On the institutional level, the most important actors in the process of concluding EU agreements are the Council, the Commission and the European Parliament. The Council has retained the central role in all types of treaty procedures, and it decides on essential issues related to the course and outcome of the process. The Commission has retained the major role in initiating and negotiating the agreements, but it is no longer the exclusive initiator and negotiator in the agreement process. Namely, depending on the subject of the treaty, new entrants in that role are the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and the European Central Bank. The European Parliament has strengthened its position in the procedure for concluding EU agreements and can, therefore, be considered the largest 'net' winner of the Lisbon Treaty reform. This is partly due to its new role in the course of negotiations, which implies the right to be immediately and fully informed about all stages of the proceedings, but to a much greater extent it refers to the powers that this body has in the final stage preceding the conclusion of the agreement. Finally, the EU Court of Justice has an important role in this process; its task is to control the compliance of the EU agreements with the founding treaties prior to their conclusion.

The Hrvatski Radisa society initially had the mission to place poor children with Croat artisans in order to become good artisans and merchants themselves. The World War I had tragic consequences for the Lika region, even though there was no war operations conducted there. A great number of children were left orphans, and the new Yugoslav administration followed national key in social policy. In order to help children in Lika, the Gospic chapter of Hrvatski Radisa was instituted in 1920, which endeavored to place children with good Croatian artisans in Zagreb. In spite of interferences of some Serbs, the chapter had a good success, primarily because the population wholeheartedly accepted the initiative. The chapter showed some initiative to better the economic situation in Lika, but the Yugoslav government tried everything that this initiative goes in a different direction. This was especially evident after 1922 when Gospic ceased to be a regional center. In the article there is being mentioned a lot of people from Gospic, Lovinac, and other places, who helped the work of Hrvatski Radisa. (SOI : CSP: S. 357)

The author examines the activities of Jesuit local missionaries in northern Croatia. They are active there from 1855 to 1869 and again, just in the Zagreb diocese. from 1895. The author traces the development of Jesuit missions, their organisation, the places they visited, the difficulties they faced, and the social and political influence those missions had. He also describes religious and moral circumstances in which the missionaries operated and focuses on the literary and cultural initiatives of the missionaries, particularly on the foundation of the Croatian Literary Society St. Jerome. (SOI : CSP: S. 170)

As a democratic and economically developed country, whose interests are not any different from those of Western democratic states, the Republic of Croatia may be a decisive factor in the future processes of stabilization in the region. It occupies a very important place in the regional geopolitical structures and might influence the future development of the neighbouring countries and regions, especially through the continuation of democratic transition and the improvement of the relations with its neighbours. Hence the importance of its policies. Its future geopolitical initiatives regarding the stabilization and security of the region can be viewed in relation to their importance within global and regional geopolitical structures, to its participation in the processes of the fragmentation of South-East Europe, and to its geographical, cultural/religious, and historical/geopolitical environment. (SOI : PM: S. 172)

The author thinks that the American political and military initiative in Bosnia and Herzegovina has stopped the four year war and enhanced the American influence in the region. European Union has reacted to the latest developments by adopting a new regional approach towards the countries of southeastern Europe. This approach has been employed in relation to other European and Mediterranean regions outside EU as well (central and eastern Europe, the Baltic states, the Mediterranean countries, the Union of Independent States). EU's policy towards Croatia is extremely reserved. It has insisted on a set of preconditions being fulfilled by Croatia before the negotiations about Croatia's membership in this organization may even commence. Croatia wants to forge links with the EU and is willing to comply with its demands, but is highly sceptical of regional associations. (SOI: PM: S. 161)

In the first part of the article, the author analyses the latest dimensions of on the territory of the former Yugoslavia stemming from the Dayton and Paris accords. His starting point is the geographical criterion which produces five trouble spots which may jeopardize the process of security-building. He concludes that only a determined application of political, diplomatic and economic pressures, as well as military presence, may bring about a new dimension of security in Southeastern Europe. The second part of the article gives a review the analyses of the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the creation of new state this part of Europe, as well as of the concepts and schemes for a certain degr linkage and bringing together, the most prominent of which is the American initiative for the co-operation in Southeastern Europe. It is obvious that this region will go on being viewed through different lenses and that the interests of the observers, more than those of the peoples living in this part of Europe, will get precedence. (SOI : PM: S. 23)

In many countries the violations of human rights and the deterioration of democracy are a direct consequence of the inability of the civilian government to control their military and security forces. The military are a part of society and as such should be constantly monitored by the civilian, political authorities. This control must be regular and efficient and not defective or faulty. The civilian control of the military in the USA was enacted by the Constitution of 1789. The initiative "Partnership for Peace" has the central role in the transformation of the armed forces in the transitional countries, and the civilian control of the army is the prerequisite for bolstering and giving a boost to democracy. The analysis of the political and defence system of the Republic of Croatia definitely indicates that in Croatia, even at this stage, there is an efficient control of its armed forces (SOI : PM: S. 127)

The Serbo-Albanian conflict on Kosovo has had direct repercussions for the Balkan security in the last 150 years. That is why the international community would from time to time pay more attention to this conflict, but never long enough to resolve it for good. Both the Serbian and the Albanian side put in a lot of effort towards the resolution of the conflict and came up with several proposals, ranging from various modes of Kosovo autonomy to the idea of cantonisation and re-federalisation of SR Yugoslavia to the independence of Kosovo or its being turned into a protectorate. All these suggestions had mostly been one-sided, either pro-Serbian or pro-Albanian, none of them conducive to a compromise. All this eventually resulted in a military conflict and the attempt to impose solutions by force. Nevertheless, after the NATO intervention, negotiations will have to be resumed and the familiar proposals for the resolution of the Kosovo question will have to be rehashed, only this time this will require much more good will and willingness to make compromises, both on the Albanian and the Serbian side, as well as a considerable support of international community. (SOI : S. 60)

American and international public looks up to American presidents as the chief creators of American foreign policy. A review of the contemporary history of US foreign policy is mostly a review of foreign policy platforms and initiatives of American presidents. Although fundamental prerequisites exist - constitutional powers, executive office of the President as support in the creation and implementation of certain decisions, the expectations of the Congress and the public that President should lead the nation in the foreign policy arena - not all American presidents have taken an equal interest in foreign policy decision-making and the creation of American foreign policy; this has depended on their personal interests and experiences. Despite significant constitutional restrictions of the president's autonomous action in foreign policy and occasionally successful attempts of the legislature to assume control over foreign policy, as well as frequent challenges to presidential powers and numerous actions by the public, we can conclude that American presidents are nevertheless dominant figures in the field of American foreign policy. (SOI : PM: S. 192)