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This article traces the formation of a new discipline -- international political economy (IPE) -- in terms both of concepts & theoretical debates, & of the social process of its institutionalization, as shown by journals, textbooks, course offerings, & Internet Websites. In its first part, this article presents some well-known definitions of IPE & illustrates different types of theory. Special attention is given to Robert Gilpin, because of the importance of his work & the evolution of his thinking about IPE. In the second, the 30-year life of IPE is analyzed to identify the most important events leading to the creation of a new field of social research: the organization of conferences in the early 1970s; the publication of important books written by unorthodox economists like Kindleberger & Hirschman; & theoretical debates. The work of R. W. Cox, which is related to the "Gramscian turn" in international relations, is a particular focus of attention. Finally, the consequences of the "Fourth Debate" on positivism in international relations are considered in terms of the connection of IPE with constructivism, historical sociology, & the "cultural turn" in the social sciences. The third part shows how the debate on IPE has moved from being fully internal to (American) political science, to include general concerns about the social sciences at the beginning of the 21st century. An extensive bibliography follows. 210 References. Adapted from the source document.

This introductory article illustrates the focus of this special issue, devoted to the relationship between political institutions and disciplinary knowledge. The basic idea of this research is that 'first order institutions', with a constitutional relevance, may be strongly influenced by a particular kind of 'second order institutions': the organization of competencies parliaments and governments need to articulate their functions. In this frame, four scientific paradigms deserve special attention: the law, the budget, the management, and the policy perspectives. Their relevance is confirmed both from a diachronic and a synchronic perspective. We examine their institutionalization through processes of accommodation and assimilation, with a core emphasis on the emergence of the policy sciences.

Since the time of its institutionalization, the internship of Primary Training Sciences has been depicting as a cardinal "place" of initial training for teaching professionality. Throughout last twenty years many steps have been moved forward, in order to draw the perimeter of its legislative boundaries, as long as enlightening enough this formative "path", its didactic field, object, expertise repertoires which are necessary for the accompanying figures of the students (tutor, welcoming mentors) that are very different with respect to the ones required in other contexts of university didactics. This essay documents the approximation steps towards a Self-study based matrix of internship functioning to implement throughout the new five-year unique cycle Course of Primary Training Sciences, which is based upon the self-advertisement of tutors as considered themselves as figures of mediation for the promotion of students' knowledge about/for the profession.

This article aims to analyze, from a sociological point of view, the communicative logic and political praxis of Italian political movement of the Sardines, that emerged in November 2019 as a reaction to Matteo Salvini's leadership and Lega's hyper-populist pattern of consensus-building. And also it aims to define the narrative of "sardinismo", based on the idea of a "radical reform" of political language and non-violence as a pillar of public discourse. The article would demonstrate the function of physical mobilization of citizens as foundation (and primary idea) of sardines, which represents also an exemple of logic of political connective action "in between" (communication and politics). They could be also considered as a reaction to the incapacity of Italian center-left political parties to articulate an anti-populist response. Moreover, as postmodern political movement, sardines reveal the existence of paradoxes and internal contradictions, and a very problematic relationship with the process of political institutionalization

Developing itself under the sign of neoliberalism and working for the sole pursuit of economic profit (with results whose evidence is there for everyone to see), the globalization of capitalism challenges our political thought. We need to understand that carrying on along the path of unlimited growth and according to today's dominant paradigms, we can witness a worsening of a situation that is already clearly unsustainable. The paradigm of gift, as identified by Mauss in his accusation of the "homo oeconomicus", can be now the backbone of a new and "lateral" form of universalism (Merleau-Ponty). That is, for a sort of "pluriversalism" in which human affections and passions can acquire a new centrality, helping us in a re-institutionalization of the public space. Giving to our time a comprehensive vision of history, the new philosophy that we can call "convivialism" allow us to understand and live the global era, whit its endless alterations but also with its great opportunities.Keywords: Globalization; Gift; Mauss; Convivialism.

Starting from the Covid-19 emergency and using a long-term analysis perspective, the article aims to demonstrate that, especially in Italy, a country characterized by a chronic mutual distrust between rulers and citizens: 1. The state of exception, institutionalized in a state of emergency, is not the turning point towards totalitarianism or a police state; rather, it is the condition of normality of democratic systems with personalistic guidance and with a deficit of institutional legitimacy. 2. The control society is not the primary objective of power but an obligatory collateral effect when the emergency becomes its main source of legitimacy. 3. The institutionalization of the emergency is not the tool for recovering a strong autonomy of politics; on the contrary, it accelerates the transfer of power from politicians to technicians and bureaucratsIn the final part of the article it is suggested that only through a radical transformation of educational systems and teaching practices, it will be possible to imagine new forms of citizenship capable of rebuilding trust between institutions and citizens; and new forms of political action that no longer need emergencies as the only source of legitimacy.

Starting from the Covid-19 emergency and using a long-term analysis perspective, the article aims to demonstrate that, especially in Italy, a country characterized by a chronic mutual distrust between rulers and citizens: 1. The state of exception, institutionalized in a state of emergency, is not the turning point towards totalitarianism or a police state; rather, it is the condition of normality of democratic systems with personalistic guidance and with a deficit of institutional legitimacy. 2. The control society is not the primary objective of power but an obligatory collateral effect when the emergency becomes its main source of legitimacy. 3. The institutionalization of the emergency is not the tool for recovering a strong autonomy of politics; on the contrary, it accelerates the transfer of power from politicians to technicians and bureaucratsIn the final part of the article it is suggested that only through a radical transformation of educational systems and teaching practices, it will be possible to imagine new forms of citizenship capable of rebuilding trust between institutions and citizens; and new forms of political action that no longer need emergencies as the only source of legitimacy.

The paper analyzes the evolution of public opinion attitudes on transatlantic issues in United States & the European countries. The paper distinguishes two main periods in Transatlantic Relations & examines the evolution of foreign policy attitudes in these two periods. A first period, during the Cold War, was characterized by a foreign policy consensus on both sides of the Atlantic. In Europe, this consensus was based on the combination of Atlanticism & Europeanism. With different emphasis in the different countries the Atlantic & European choice were seen as crucial to insure the domestic political stability & the foreign policy security. While in Europe the Cold War consensus was first based on a Center-Right coalition & later on extended to the Left, as a consequence of the post-Stalinism & the increasing institutionalization of European integration. In the United States it combined the Liberal & Conservative wings. This consensus broke down as a consequence of the Vietnam war & the detente crisis in the '70s. In Europe, the main consequence was the fracturing of the Left-Right consensus on foreign policy. This double cleavage has been brought forth during the Post-Cold War period & it has manifested itself in its starker way after the 9/11 events & a more unilateralist American foreign policy. The author discusses the different structure of public opinion in Europe ad the United States might have played in the tense relationships between Europe & US during the Iraq war. 4 Tables, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

[Italiano]:Le Università, in quanto enti di formazione e di ricerca, sono tenute a mettere in atto azioni e politiche volte a garantire la parità di genere e a rimuovere gli ostacoli che impediscono la piena realizzazione personale e professionale di uomini e donne. A tale scopo il Bilancio di Genere è lo strumento d'elezione per perseguire gli obiettivi di parità. Ma più che di un documento, si tratta di un vero e proprio articolato processo che richiede un significativo coinvolgimento della governance di Ateneo, attraverso un percorso di istituzionalizzazione dell'approccio alle questioni di genere. Il volume presenta gli esiti del secondo bilancio di genere della Federico II di Napoli, redatto secondo le Linee Guida elaborate dalla Conferenza dei Rettori delle Università Italiane. Oltre all'analisi di contesto, che consente di evidenziare i punti di forza e gli elementi di criticità dell'Ateneo federiciano rispetto alla parità di genere, il documento illustra il livello di integrazione della prospettiva di genere nei documenti strategici di Ateneo, la rete di organismi preposti alle tematiche di genere e il repertorio delle azioni messe in atto nel quinquennio precedente. L'analisi di genere degli impegni economico-finanziari, realizzata a partire dalla riclassificazione del bilancio, ha consentito inoltre di esplorare nel dettaglio le risorse espressamente destinate agli obiettivi di parità, identificando gli ambiti in cui è necessario investire maggiormente. Il documento include inoltre una prima analisi in ottica di genere dei questionari di rilevazione delle opinioni degli studenti e delle studentesse, che può essere adoperata come utile strumento per fornire spunti per la definizione di azioni positive destinate alla popolazione studentesca. Il quadro che emerge dall'analisi proposta è quello di un Ateneo che ha intrapreso un serio percorso di istituzionalizzazione dell'intero ciclo del Bilancio di Genere, attestato dall'impegno nella promozione di processi culturali ed organizzativi inclusivi volti a perseguire concretamente gli obiettivi di uguaglianza e di parità nella formazione, nella ricerca e nel lavoro. ./[English]:Universities, as training and research institutions, are required to implement actions and policies aimed at ensuring gender equality and at removing obstacles that prevent the full personal and professional fulfilment of men and women. To this end, the Gender Responsive Budgeting is the fundamental tool to pursue the objectives of equality. But more than a document, it is an articulated process that requires a significant involvement of the governance of the University, through a path of institutionalization of the approach to the gender issues. The volume presents the results of the second gender report of the University Federico II of Naples, drawn up according to the Conference of Rectors of Italian Universities Guidelines. In addition to the context analysis, which allows to highlight strengths and critical issues of the University with respect to gender equality, the document illustrates the level of integration of the gender perspective in the University's strategic documents, the network of bodies responsible for gender issues and the repertoire of actions implemented in the previous five years. The gender analysis of economic and financial commitments, carried out through the reclassification of the budget, has also made it possible to explore in detail the resources expressly allocated to the equality objectives, identifying the areas in which greatest investments are needed. The document also includes a preliminary gender analysis of student opinion questionnaires, which can be used as a useful tool to provide insights into the definition of positive actions for the student population. The picture that emerges from the proposed analysis is of a University that has embarked on a serious path of institutionalization of the gender budget process, attested by the commitment to promote inclusive cultural and organizational processes aimed at concretely pursuing equality objectives in training, research and work.

Sociology of work in Italy revived at the end of WWII, after thirty years of forced oblivion. This thesis examines the history of discipline by considering three paths that it followed from its revival up to its institutionalization: the influence of the productivity drive, the role of trade unions and the activity of early young researchers. European Productivity Agency's Italian office Comitato Nazionale per la Produttività propagandised studies on management and on the effects of the industrialization on work and society. Academicians, technicians, psychologists who worked for CNP started rethinking sociology of work, but the managerial use of sociology was unacceptable for both trade unions and young researchers. So "free union†CISL created a School in Florence with an eager attention to social sciences as a medium to become a new model union, while Marxist CGIL, despite its ideological aversion to sociology, finally accepted the social sciences lexicon in order to explain the work changes and to resist against the employers' association offensive. On the other hand, political and social engagement led a first generation of sociologists to study social phenomenon in the recently industrialized Italy by using the sociological analysis. Finally, the thesis investigate the cultural transfers from France, whose industrial sociology (sociologie du travail) was considered as a reference in continental Europe. Nearby the wide importance of French sociologie, financially aided by planning institutions in order to employ it in the industrial reconstruction, other minor experiences such as the social surveys accomplished by worker-priests in the suburbs of industrial cities and the heterodox Marxism of the review "Socialisme ou Barbarie†influenced Italian sociology of work.

L'oggetto di questo lavoro è il compito di legittimazione culturale della dittatura franchista sviluppato per i giuristi spagnoli tra 1937 e 1945. Il suo obiettivo é fornire un quadro complessivo utile per la comparazione con il percorso italiano. Si mettono a fuoco cinque questioni: in primo luogo, la rottura nella accumulazione e nello sviluppo del sapere giuridico causata dalla guerra civile e le ulteriori esecuzioni, esili e epurazioni dei professori universitari; poi, la legittimazione con gli argomenti del diritto del coup d'État del 18 luglio 1936. Dopo si esaminano le teorie che davano fondamento alla posizione suprema del dittatore. È anche oggetto d'indagine l'atteggiamento dei giuristi davanti alle grandi leggi del regime, segnato per l'esercizio di una esegesi acritica e senza costruzione. Infine, l'ultimo punto tratta lo studio dei sistemi giuridici del Terzo Reich e dell'Italia fascista che spesso facevano i giuristi spagnoli al fine di ricavare informazioni utili per il processo d'istituzionalizzazione della dittatura franchista. This work will examine the cultural legitimacy given by the Spanish jurists to Franco's dictatorship between 1937 and 1943. I intend to give a general outlook in order to compare the Spanish experience with the Italian jurists. I will discuss five issues: a) The discontinuity in the development and growth of legal knowledge caused by the civil war, the executions, the exile, and the purge of universities' faculty; b) the use of legal arguments to legitimate the military coup of July the 18th of 1936; c) the theories that made the basis of general Franco's caudillaje; d) the exegesis without construction as a means to interpret and expose the dictatorship's laws; e) the focus on Nazi Germany's and fascist Italy's legal systems as models for the institutionalization of the 'new State'.

L'azione pubblica, intesa non solo come governo da parte dell'amministrazione pubblica ma come complessiva azione dei differenti soggetti nel campo pubblico e in grado di orientare la trasformazione della città, ha assunto nel tempo a Roma caratteri peculiari. Da una parte, un governo pubblico che si è mostrato inadeguato e che non è stato in grado di rispondere ai problemi della città, entrando spesso in una dinamica collusiva con gli interessi forti e di mercato e lasciando quindi spazio ad azioni speculative. Dall'altra, una società civile molto impegnata nella riqualificazione dei quartieri e nello sviluppo di forme di autorganizzazione, sia per rispondere a problemi sociali rimasti insoluti (come il problema della casa o la carenza di servizi e attrezzature pubbliche, a cominciare dal verde) sia per sostenere una mobilitazione politica e praticare processi di riappropriazione della città. Si tratta di un vasto campo di esperienze, molto numerose e molto diversificate, non scevre di ambiguità, ma ricche di contenuti, di produzione di cultura politica, di socialità, di inclusione. Il contributo intende sviluppare una riflessione critica su queste esperienze, sul rapporto con il governo della città, sulle difficoltà ed ambiguità dei processi di istituzionalizzazione. ; Public action, understood not only as a government by the public administration but as an overall action by the different subjects in the public sphere and capable of guiding the transformation of the city, has assumed particular characteristics over time in Rome. On the one hand, a public government that has proved inadequate and has not been able to respond to the problems of the city, often entering a collusive dynamic with strong and market interests and thus leaving room for speculative actions. On the other hand, a civil society very committed to the redevelopment of neighborhoods and the development of forms of self-organization, both to respond to social problems that have remained unsolved (such as the problem of housing or the lack of public services and facilities, starting with the green) and to support a political mobilization and to practice processes of re-appropriation of the city. It is a vast field of experiences, very numerous and very diversified, not lacking in ambiguity, but rich in content, in the production of political culture, sociality and inclusion. The contribution aims to develop a critical reflection on these experiences, on the relationship with the city government, on the difficulties and ambiguities of the institutionalization processes.