Suchergebnisse

European Union is principal example of the so-called fourth current of institutionalization of international relations. What makes it special in the context of other state-like communities is the level of integration and what follows the level of institutionalization of intra-communal relations. There are two levels of institutionalization of intentional relations in integration organizations. On the first level international relations are institutionalized within the community of states. The second level concentrates on institutionalization of relations between the community and other subjects of international relations. The European Union is an example of organization that is advanced on both levels of institutionalization. This paper analyzes institutionalization of international relations between EU and developed states (Australia and New Zealand) and Mercosur – another integrational organization. Recommencement of negotiation between EU and Mercosur on a treaty of association, as well as commencement of negotiations between EU and Australia on the conditions of a Framework Agreement, have taken place at the moment when it was certain that world economy has to cope with the effects of a serious recession. Those actions, although they may seem irrational, are thoroughly rational as they increase the chances of reaching a compromise. Crisis helps to concentrate on the core problems and states (or organizations of states) are more willing in that distinctions to reach an agreement, provided that the balance tilts in their favor (even if the results of negotiations are very diff erent from what was assumed at the beginning).

Institutionalization of relations with Sub-Saharan Africa states is one of approaches used to include those states in main currents of world economy. The African states will benefit because new markets for their exports will open which will increase the speed of reform of their political systems and economies. EU will benefi t because better overall situation of the African states will help in development of stable multilateral relations. In this paper I analyze the EU – Sub-Saharan states relations as an example of institutionalization understood as development of legal and institutional solutions that shape international relations. In this context institutionalization is an instrument that enhances systematic change which in turn leads to transformation of particular states and regions. In the paper I try to answer the question: is the declared level of integration of different instruments of EU foreign policy identical with the reality vis-a-vis the states of Africa.

The matter of normative foundations and operation of regional self- government in Poland, as seen by the regional elites is devoted. The general rules of democratic order was adopted as the reference frame for the perceptions and opinions of elites. The conclusions make it possible to say that the institutionalization of the regional self-government do not fully reflect the intentions of the initiators of the local government reform and that, moreover, the elites themselves lack the innovative potential necessary to improve the quality of this institution. ; The matter of normative foundations and operation of regional self- government in Poland, as seen by the regional elites is devoted. The general rules of democratic order was adopted as the reference frame for the perceptions and opinions of elites. The conclusions make it possible to say that the institutionalization of the regional self-government do not fully reflect the intentions of the initiators of the local government reform and that, moreover, the elites themselves lack the innovative potential necessary to improve the quality of this institution.

The paper analyzes solutions used in the process of institutionalization of relations between UE, CIS member states and the states of Asia and Africa. It also analyzes influence of institutionalization of economic cooperation, particularly export and import, on the position of states involved. Different solutions, such as GSTP for least developed countries, are used. Attention is drawn to the asymmetry in trade relations with the less developed countries, which are given preferential access to EU markets. Those solutions are additionally strengthened by financial instruments. It seems that the results of these actions are positive: GNP increase of African states is higher than the GNP increase of EU-27, especially after 2009. The importance of European Commission and EBC is underlined as an important factor that stimulates growth in those countries. Similar cooperation but on different level is also observed in regard to other continents. The cooperation between Asia, Africa and CIS countries is not limited to transfer of funds. It also includes internationalization of contacts and liberalization of trade, services and capital flow as well as cooperation in research and support of economic transformation. The solutions applied are different for each country, however they are based on the same principles.

The aim of this article is to outline the process of institutionalization of strategic studies, understood as the essence of contemporary security studies. Article explores the genesis of strategic studies and attempts to determine areas of reflection in this field of knowledge. Strategic studies developed in the half of the 20th century. Its mission was to form a creative synthesis of military, economic and political scientific approaches towards the threat of nuclear war. Crisis of strategic studies took place in the 70s. The end of so called Cold War popularized the issue of security within the non-military context. Therefore, problems analysed by traditional strategic studies evolved. Author's final reflection tries to strenghten Polish potential in developing contemporary security studies.

The text focuses on one of the elements belonging to the surveillance society – surveillance with the use of electronic tools. The authors attempt to answer the following questions. What types of negative phenomena are produced and intensified by electronic surveillance technologies? How deep is the state of the "vulnerability" of modern societies, what are the possibilities of surveillance devices? Is it possible to practically oppose them, how and what are the limits? What is the genesis of these phenomena and what future scenarios can be sketched based on the anticipation of observed trends? A set of research questions defined in this way required both sociological and technical perspectives at the same time. The authors recognize the negative phenomena associated with electronic surveillance: escalation, professionalization, institutionalization and normalization.

The article presents the process of development of political parties in selected countriesof Central Europe and their relation to the category of party families. The analysis includesthe groupings, which gained the status of relevant parliamentary parties after 1989. It isdivided into three time periods: the year 1989; first and second parliamentary elections;finally, the year 2004 and the last decade. In the first period, parties were only starting toshape their structures, and their family adherence was often only conventional. The secondperiod sees a greater level of party institutionalization, as well as the increase of the leveland scope of their affiliation with basic party families. During the last decade, we canobserve a full representation of basic party families on domestic political scenes of CzechRepublic, Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary, varying only by the level of public support

The aim of the article is to define and catalog the factors preventing political entropy in an international realm – natural tendency of increasing of disorder and progressing of disintegration in global scale. In the first part of the paper, the author extensively referred on how the second law of thermodynamics – the law of entropy are used by social scientists for explanation of phenomena of their interest, and on the basis of available scientific literature, the metaphor of political entropy was formulated. Subsequently, in the second part of the article, this metaphor was used as a framework for identification, highlighting and classification of those factors, which – in the author's opinion – significantly contribute to the slowdown or stopping entropy in an international realm. In the commentaries and conclusions, those factors were interpreted from the institutional perspective, stressing the importance of institutionalization for regulation and stabilization of international relations, and for creation of international order – the anti-thesis of political entropy.

The author analyses the factors that weaken the influence of the principles of meritocracy on the institutions and public policy. He indicates that a meritocratic approach to governance in the programming of public actions has become a resource for obtaining legitimacy of power in Poland to a limited extent. The advantages of meritocracy (the "efficiency" and "justice") have not been exploited on a significant scale. As a result, there is a significant illegitimacy of the democratic system, as well as the weakening of the society identification with the state. This phenomenon is characterized by low prestige of politicians and a poor voter turnout. The author draws attention to the fact that meritocratic management mechanisms of public institutions in Poland are significantly reduced due to numerous factors - the appropriation of the state by political parties, institutional nomadism of the elite, the rules of political capitalism, a soft state and the institutionalization of non-responsibility or activities of various interest groups and backstage actors of politics.

The purpose of this article is to show the differences between the recognition of a neo-liberal and a neo-realist view in relation to the issue of energy security, but also to analyze, in a manner appropriate for designated schools of thought, contemporary phenomena and processes that affect relations between actors shaping the energy policy at the international level. To achieve this, the Author used two case studies. The first is dedicated to the Chinese energy strategy for the "Greater Middle East" (neo-realism), the second relates to issue of institutionalization of the EU energy policy (neo-liberalism). ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie rozbierzności między ujęciem neorealistycznym a neoliberalnym w odniesieniu do problematyki bezpieczeństwa energetycznego, ale także zanalizowanie, w sposób właściwy wskazanym szkołom myślenia, współczesnych zjawisk i procesów wpływających na relacje między podmiotami kształtującymi politykę energetyczną na poziomie międzynarodowym. Służą temu dwa studia przypadku, z których pierwszy został poświęcony chińskiej strategii energetycznej na "Większym Bliskim Wschodzie" (neorealizm), drugi zaś – problemowi instytucjonalizacji polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej (neoliberalizm).

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie rozbieżności między ujęciem neorealistycznym a neoliberalnym w odniesieniu do problematyki bezpieczeństwa energetycznego, ale także zanalizowanie, w sposób właściwy wskazanym szkołom myślenia, współczesnych zjawisk i procesów wpływających na relacje między podmiotami kształtującymi politykę energetyczną na poziomie międzynarodowym. Służą temu dwa studia przypadku, z których pierwszy został poświęcony chińskiej strategii energetycznej na "Większym Bliskim Wschodzie" (neore-alizm), drugi zaś - problemowi instytucjonalizacji polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej (neoliberalizm). ; The purpose of this article is to show the differences between the recognition of a neo-liberal and a neo-realist view in relation to the issue of energy security, but also to analyze, in a manner appropriate for designated schools of thought, contemporary phenomena and processes that affect relations between actors shaping the energy policy at the international level. To achieve this, the Author used two case studies. The first is dedicated to the Chinese energy strategy for the "Greater Middle East" (neorealism), the second relates to issue of institutionalization of the EU energy policy (neoliberalism).

This article examines security policy of the European Union in securing democratic order and preventing universal values and individual liberties against major threats, such as terrorism and crime. The analytical concept employed here is governance of internal security of the EU conceived of as a complex set of political activities undertaken by the member states, assisted by EU institutions, bodies and agencies, to secure high level of safety to EU citizens and legal aliens as well as to respect civil liberties and fundamental rights. For the EU's identity as a security community is built on a common perception of threats and risks, EU security governance consists of complex, multitiered, geographically overlapping structures embedded into multilayered security regimes. Security policy is no longer state-centric, no less important is security generated on the societal level. However, the institutionalization of securitization processes, indispensable to accommodate state objectives with civic engagement and responsibility for maintaining democratic order, alters radically the perspective of security making in the face of new threats

On the 1st of August 1975 in Helsinki, 35 countries signed the Final Act of the CSCE. Running the Helsinki process was crucial for the institutionalization of the human rights movement in Central and Eastern Europe. For the first time the principle of respect for human rights, treated as a manifestation of European security, achieved a high status in the basic international document. Although at the beginning the conference did not have any means of direct impact on Member States, thanks to the adopted mechanisms (Review Conferences ) it became possible to international control over the observance of the principle of protection of human rights. As a result, already in 1976, the first non-governmental organizations, upholding the findings of Helsinki, were established in the USSR, Poland and Czechoslovakia,. In this way, the European communist states were subjected not only international but also internal pressure of societies. Social transformations in each of these countries have become the nucleus of the emerging civil society. The final result of, ongoing since 1973, the CSCE process in 1989, was a fall of the Iron Curtain in 1991 and end of the Yalta–Potsdam order, dividing Europe into the political sphere of influence for more than four decades.

The study attempted to analyze the activities of Ukrainian diplomatic institutions in Poland (Ukrainian Embassy and Consulates) and pointed out the priorities of Ukraine's cultural diplomacy, which is now at the stage of institutionalization. The purpose of the work was to identify the main institutions that are responsible for public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy of Ukraine, to bring closer the concept of a new image of the state abroad and to explain why diplomatic tools had begun playing such important role in foreign policy.Key words: information warfare; Ukraine; cultural Diplomacy ; W badaniach podjęto próbę analizy działalności ukraińskich placówek dyplomatycznych w Polsce (Ambasady i Konsulatów Ukrainy) oraz wskazano priorytety dyplomacji kulturalnej Ukrainy, która obecnie jest na etapie instytucjonalizacji. Celem pracy było wskazanie głównych instytucji odpowiedzialnych za dyplomacje publiczną oraz dyplomację kulturalną Ukrainy, przybliżenie zagadnienia koncepcji nowego wizerunku państwa za granicą oraz wyjaśnienie, dlaczego dopiero teraz narzędzia dyplomatyczne zaczęły odgrywać taką istotną rolę w polityce zagranicznej.Słowa kluczowe: Ukraina; wojna informacyjna; dyplomacja kulturalna ; Статтю присвячено аналізу діяльності українських дипломатичних представництв у Польщі (посольства та консульств України) та вказано основні пріоритети культурної дипломатії України, яка зараз перебуває на епаті інституціоналізації. Метою роботи було визначення основних інституції, відповідальних за публічну дипломатію та культурну дипломатію України, презентація концепції нового іміджу держави за кордоном та відповідь на питання, чому тільки зараз дипломатичні інструменти почали відігравати таку важливу роль у зовнішній політиці України.Ключові слова: інформаційна війна; Україна, культурна дипломатія.