Suchergebnisse

This article is part of the special cluster titled Parties and Democratic Linkage in Post-Communist Europe, guest edited by Lori Thorlakson, and will be published in the August 2018 issue of EEPS In an article written in 1995 titled "What Is Different about Postcommunist Party Systems?" Peter Mair applied the method that he called " ex adverso extrapolation." He matched his knowledge of the process of consolidation of party systems in the West with what was known at that time about Eastern European history, society, and the emerging post-communist party politics. Considering factors such as the existence of fluid social structures, the weakness of civil society, or the destabilizing impact of the so-called triple transition, his article predicted long-term instability for the region. In the present article, we evaluate the validity of Mair's predictions, thereby also contributing to a lively debate in the current literature about the scale and nature of East–West differences and about the trajectories of the two regions. Going beyond the identification of cross-regional similarities and differences, we also differentiate between individual party systems, establish subgroups, and describe changes across time. Using four major dimensions (i.e., party system closure, party-level stability, electoral volatility, and fragmentation), the article finds that Mair's predictions were largely, though not in every detail, right. Ironically, however, we also find that changes in the West tend to match over time the trajectory of the East.

Nonviolent action is best known as a kind of protest tactic used where neither the vote nor the gun seems to offer effective methods of achieving the desired social change. Those using this tactic may or may not have a general commitment to nonviolence. The author argues that the objectives of nonviolent action must become broader and more ambitious and that through a variety of coordinated efforts we should seek to 'institutionalize nonviolence' and to generalize nonviolent behaviors throughout society. Such an effort involves the transformation of all institutions implicated in the practice of direct or structural violence. The role of the State in the existing global violence system is especially criticized. The author outlines eight important components in the process she has labelled the 'institutionalization of nonviolence'.

Social problems are to be explained only by examining race or color as part of the dialectical processes of interaction between the economic, political, & cultural forces which comprise the social structure. 3 crucial influences are noticed: the immigrant-indigenous situation, the colonial-metropolitan configuration, & the variable of color as an ascriptive criterion. It is assumed that if racist consequences accrue to institutional laws, customs, or practices, the institution is racist whether or not the individuals maintaining those practices have racist intentions. Measures were taken in 1962, 1965, & 1968 limiting & restricting the entry of people from the Commonwealth nations. The regulations are both racist & class discriminatory. Of particular note is the contradiction between the economic need for nonindigenous labor & the political necessity to appear to keep out black immigrants. Commonwealth immigration restrictions have meant that the black population in Britain is now less an integral part of the society than in the years of greatest immigration. The new provisions are a mark of failure to confront racism & will make that task more difficult. L. DeForge.

The article discusses the features and stages of institutionalization of BRICS that becomes a real player in world politics and economics. There are 4 models of further institutionalization of BRICS, which will be combined with each other. A promising model that involves the creation of new BRICS institutions, providing a multiple effect on the development of the association, is noted. Among such institutions BRICS Bank for International Settlements and the Free Trade and Investments Zone of BRICS are offered.

The literature on democratisation emphasises the contribution of political parties, and in that context the importance of party institutionalization. But this concept remains relatively unexplored. Our article first considers the relationship between party institutionalization and party system institutionalization, pointing out that they are not necessarily convergent. We then review the existing literature on party institutionalization, indicating weaknesses and contradictions, before offering our own analytic model. In the final section we identify some of the key considerations arising when this model is applied to the particular circumstances of democratic transition in the Third World.

This article examines party institutionalization in Hong Kong in order to understand the development of political parties in a political system undergoing democratization. Party institutionalization is defined as the extent to which political parties develop a systematic set of mechanisms and structures that enable them to compete effectively for political power. By examining partisanship, autonomy, and the stability of political parties in Hong Kong, the author concludes that party institutionalization is still weak, although there are signs of progress. Constitutional constraints, structural factors, lack of public support, and the problem of adaptation pose serious obstacles in the party institutionalization process. Political parties, as one of the essential conditions for democratic consolidation, have brought a new page of democratic politics to Hong Kong. However, in terms of institutionalization, political parties in Hong Kong are far from mature, thereby limiting their impact on the democratization process. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

The centrality of risk assessment and risk management to complex organizations testifies to the institutionalization of risk in modern society. Much of the writing on risk assessment and management deals with how decision makers struggle with uncertainty rather than calculable risk. The conceptualization of risk and uncertainty depends in part upon whether one focuses upon decision makers and their decisions or upon outcomes of decisions. Focusing on decision makers leads to concern with risk management whereas focusing on the decision or outcomes draws attention to risk analysis. The papers examined in this paper are primarily concerned with decision makers and risk management. In doing so, we examine the social construction of risks and their control, how intelligence gathering and processing affects risk analysis and management, and the latent functions of risk regulation.

The relevance of the research lies in the observation that, while Ukraine has established formal democratic institutions since its independence, many democratization issues remain unresolved. These formal structures lack effectiveness and support, with informal, often non-democratic political processes and secret agreements continuing to prevail. The study aims to conclude a theoretical study, conceptualization, and generalization of the problems of the existence of informal institutions, as well as a comprehensive analysis of practical technologies of informal institutionalization in modern Ukraine. The authors used such general scientific methods as analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, abstraction, the ascent from the abstract to the concrete. The authors considered such informal institutions that exist in the political reality of Ukraine, such as lobbying, corruption, populism, non-conventional forms of political participation of citizens, party agreements, clientelism, and political bargaining. The effective technologies for the informal institutionalization of modern Ukraine, including technologies for eliminating authoritarian practices, technologies of party structuring, technologies of political participation and technologies for the formation of democratic political consciousness have been proposed. These technologies are aimed at the political modernization of Ukraine, ensuring the institutional functioning of democracy at the proper level and minimizing the negative effects of informal institutions.