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International audience ; After the collapse of the military junta in 1974, a new political-administrative system was introduced in Greece. The period of reforms included new state policies of cultural decentralization, which advanced public action. This article attempts an analysis of the dual process of territorialization and institutionalization of cultural policies that was put forward during this period in Greece. First, the article discusses the ways that local cultural action was structured and associated, through contracting, with the management of renewed forms of coordination of collective action between the State and municipalities. Subsequently, starting in 2006, the reorganization of territorial public action was based on the merging of municipal cultural structures. In this respect, we propose a redefinition of the role of the key figures in local cultural action by focusing on the analysis of the institutional path of the Municipal enterprises for cultural development. ; La chute, en 1974, du régime de la dictature des colonels en Grèce a marqué le début d'une période de réformes du système politico-administratif. Les politiques étatiques de décentralisation culturelle ont contribué à l'évolution de l'action publique. Cet article propose une analyse du double processus de territorialisation et d'institutionnalisation des politiques culturelles. Dans un premier temps, il se focalise sur la structuration de l'action culturelle locale qui semble être associée à la gestion des formes renouvelées de coordination de l'action collective (État-commune) par le biais de la contractualisation. Dans un deuxième temps, la réorganisation de l'action publique territoriale repose, à partir de 2006, sur la fusion des structures culturelles municipales. À cet égard, nous abordons la redéfinition du rôle des protagonistes de l'action culturelle locale à travers l'analyse du parcours institutionnel des Entreprises municipales de développement culturel.

International audience ; After the collapse of the military junta in 1974, a new political-administrative system was introduced in Greece. The period of reforms included new state policies of cultural decentralization, which advanced public action. This article attempts an analysis of the dual process of territorialization and institutionalization of cultural policies that was put forward during this period in Greece. First, the article discusses the ways that local cultural action was structured and associated, through contracting, with the management of renewed forms of coordination of collective action between the State and municipalities. Subsequently, starting in 2006, the reorganization of territorial public action was based on the merging of municipal cultural structures. In this respect, we propose a redefinition of the role of the key figures in local cultural action by focusing on the analysis of the institutional path of the Municipal enterprises for cultural development. ; La chute, en 1974, du régime de la dictature des colonels en Grèce a marqué le début d'une période de réformes du système politico-administratif. Les politiques étatiques de décentralisation culturelle ont contribué à l'évolution de l'action publique. Cet article propose une analyse du double processus de territorialisation et d'institutionnalisation des politiques culturelles. Dans un premier temps, il se focalise sur la structuration de l'action culturelle locale qui semble être associée à la gestion des formes renouvelées de coordination de l'action collective (État-commune) par le biais de la contractualisation. Dans un deuxième temps, la réorganisation de l'action publique territoriale repose, à partir de 2006, sur la fusion des structures culturelles municipales. À cet égard, nous abordons la redéfinition du rôle des protagonistes de l'action culturelle locale à travers l'analyse du parcours institutionnel des Entreprises municipales de développement culturel.

International audience ; After the collapse of the military junta in 1974, a new political-administrative system was introduced in Greece. The period of reforms included new state policies of cultural decentralization, which advanced public action. This article attempts an analysis of the dual process of territorialization and institutionalization of cultural policies that was put forward during this period in Greece. First, the article discusses the ways that local cultural action was structured and associated, through contracting, with the management of renewed forms of coordination of collective action between the State and municipalities. Subsequently, starting in 2006, the reorganization of territorial public action was based on the merging of municipal cultural structures. In this respect, we propose a redefinition of the role of the key figures in local cultural action by focusing on the analysis of the institutional path of the Municipal enterprises for cultural development. ; La chute, en 1974, du régime de la dictature des colonels en Grèce a marqué le début d'une période de réformes du système politico-administratif. Les politiques étatiques de décentralisation culturelle ont contribué à l'évolution de l'action publique. Cet article propose une analyse du double processus de territorialisation et d'institutionnalisation des politiques culturelles. Dans un premier temps, il se focalise sur la structuration de l'action culturelle locale qui semble être associée à la gestion des formes renouvelées de coordination de l'action collective (État-commune) par le biais de la contractualisation. Dans un deuxième temps, la réorganisation de l'action publique territoriale repose, à partir de 2006, sur la fusion des structures culturelles municipales. À cet égard, nous abordons la redéfinition du rôle des protagonistes de l'action culturelle locale à travers l'analyse du parcours institutionnel des Entreprises municipales de développement culturel.

The article analyzes the interconnection of political values and the effectiveness of democratic political institutions. The expediency of considering freedom of expression as the main value in the structure of democratic political culture is substantiated. It is proved that democratic institutions can function effectively only if they are in line with the public values of citizens. Historical facts show that both values and democratic institutions can be primary. However, in conditions of hybrid political regimes, despite the formal presence of democratic institutions, values remain authoritarian in connection with the establishment of informal, non-institutionalized political relations.A hypothesis concerning the rapid formation of democratic values during the Revolution of Dignity has been refuted. In Ukraine, due to the long authoritarian past, the leading feature of political culture is state paternalism, social apathy, lack of personal responsibility and initiative. Therefore, despite the significant activation of social capital, citizens have resorted to non-conventional forms of political participation, which testifies to the hybrid non-institutionalized nature of democracy. At the present stage, the vast majority of citizens are inclined to adhere to democratic values for the sake of security. This is due to the crisis of the functioning of the political system, constant social shifts and conflicts.It is indicated on the necessity of solving the value dilemma of freedom versus security in the context of further institutionalization of democracy. It is revealed that the main mechanism of stimulation of personality self-expression is based on the activation of social capital through the development of alternative forms of group identification, the creation of a network of voluntary organizations, and the establishment of horizontal communicative ties. ; У статті проаналізовано взаємозв'язок політичних цінностей та ефективності демократичних політичних інститутів. Обґрунтовано доцільність розглядати свободу самовираження як основну цінність в структурі демократичної політичної культури. Доведено, що демократичні інститути можуть ефективно функціонувати лише за умови їхньої відповідності суспільним цінностям громадян. Історичні факти свідчать, що первинними можуть бути як цінності, так і демократичні інститути. Однак, в умовах гібридних політичних режимів, попри формальну наявність демократичних інститутів цінності залишаються авторитарними у зв'язку з утвердженням неформальних неінституціоналізованих політичних відносин.Спростовано гіпотезу щодо стрімкого формування демократичних цінностей у ході Революції гідності. В Україні внаслідок тривалого авторитарного минулого провідною рисою політичної культури є державний патерналізм, соціальна апатія,відсутність особистої відповідальності та ініціативи. Тому попри значну активізацію соціального капіталу, громадяни вдались до не конвенційних форм політичної участі, що засвідчує гібридний неінституціаналізований характер демократії. На сучасному етапі переважна більшість громадян схильні поступатись демократичними цінностями на користь безпеки. Це пояснюється кризовим станом функціонування політичної системи, постійними суспільними зрушеннями та конфліктами.Вказано на необхідність розв'язання ціннісної дилеми свобода versus безпека в контексті подальшої інституціоналізації демократії. З'ясовано,що основний механізм стимулювання самовираження особистості базується на активізації соціального капіталу за допомогою розвитку альтернативних форм групової ідентифікації, створення мережі добровільних організацій, налагодження горизонтальних комунікативних зв'язків.

The article analyzes the interconnection of political values and the effectiveness of democratic political institutions. The expediency of considering freedom of expression as the main value in the structure of democratic political culture is substantiated. It is proved that democratic institutions can function effectively only if they are in line with the public values of citizens. Historical facts show that both values and democratic institutions can be primary. However, in conditions of hybrid political regimes, despite the formal presence of democratic institutions, values remain authoritarian in connection with the establishment of informal, non-institutionalized political relations.A hypothesis concerning the rapid formation of democratic values during the Revolution of Dignity has been refuted. In Ukraine, due to the long authoritarian past, the leading feature of political culture is state paternalism, social apathy, lack of personal responsibility and initiative. Therefore, despite the significant activation of social capital, citizens have resorted to non-conventional forms of political participation, which testifies to the hybrid non-institutionalized nature of democracy. At the present stage, the vast majority of citizens are inclined to adhere to democratic values for the sake of security. This is due to the crisis of the functioning of the political system, constant social shifts and conflicts.It is indicated on the necessity of solving the value dilemma of freedom versus security in the context of further institutionalization of democracy. It is revealed that the main mechanism of stimulation of personality self-expression is based on the activation of social capital through the development of alternative forms of group identification, the creation of a network of voluntary organizations, and the establishment of horizontal communicative ties. ; У статті проаналізовано взаємозв'язок політичних цінностей та ефективності демократичних політичних інститутів. Обґрунтовано доцільність розглядати свободу самовираження як основну цінність в структурі демократичної політичної культури. Доведено, що демократичні інститути можуть ефективно функціонувати лише за умови їхньої відповідності суспільним цінностям громадян. Історичні факти свідчать, що первинними можуть бути як цінності, так і демократичні інститути. Однак, в умовах гібридних політичних режимів, попри формальну наявність демократичних інститутів цінності залишаються авторитарними у зв'язку з утвердженням неформальних неінституціоналізованих політичних відносин.Спростовано гіпотезу щодо стрімкого формування демократичних цінностей у ході Революції гідності. В Україні внаслідок тривалого авторитарного минулого провідною рисою політичної культури є державний патерналізм, соціальна апатія,відсутність особистої відповідальності та ініціативи. Тому попри значну активізацію соціального капіталу, громадяни вдались до не конвенційних форм політичної участі, що засвідчує гібридний неінституціаналізований характер демократії. На сучасному етапі переважна більшість громадян схильні поступатись демократичними цінностями на користь безпеки. Це пояснюється кризовим станом функціонування політичної системи, постійними суспільними зрушеннями та конфліктами.Вказано на необхідність розв'язання ціннісної дилеми свобода versus безпека в контексті подальшої інституціоналізації демократії. З'ясовано,що основний механізм стимулювання самовираження особистості базується на активізації соціального капіталу за допомогою розвитку альтернативних форм групової ідентифікації, створення мережі добровільних організацій, налагодження горизонтальних комунікативних зв'язків.

Este trabajo se inscribe en el contexto de los estudios socioculturales de la enfermedad y se concentró en el proceso de institucionalización de las medidas higiénicas para el control de la sífilis en Colombia en el periodo comprendido entre 1886 y 1953. El estudio es de tipo documental y se privilegió, como fuente primaria, la documentación oficial, si bien se consultaron otras fuentes que apoyaron el objeto de estudio. Los hallazgos permiten comprender la dinámica de institucionalización de las medidas higiénicas para el control de la sífilis, como un proceso que se dividió en tres momentos: En el primero, entre finales del siglo XIX y comienzos del XX, se formuló e implementó la reglamentación sobre la prostitución como mecanismo para el control moral e higiénico de las enfermedades venéreas; en el segundo, entre los años 20 y 30 del siglo XX, se fortalecieron los elementos organizativos y asistenciales para la lucha antivenérea, así como las propuestas eugenésicas surgidas a propósito del control de la sífilis; en el tercer momento, entre 1938 y 1953, el Estado plantea claramente una campaña contra las enfermedades venéreas, dándole importancia a la prevención, el tratamiento y la curación. La lucha contra las enfermedades venéreas, especialmente la sífilis, se desarrolló en Colombia a través de diversas medidas higiénicas institucionalizadas que utilizaron mecanismos de inspección, vigilancia y control. La relación entre las enfermedades venéreas y la prostitución, se formularon e impulsaron medidas que básicamente respondían a tres enfoques: prohibicionista, reglamentarista y abolicionista. ; Abstract. This research falls within the context of socio-cultural studies of the disease and focused on the institutionalization of hygienic measures to control syphilis in Colombia in the period between 1886 and 1953. The study is documentary and privileged , as a primary source , the official documentation , though other sources that support the object of study is looked at . The findings allow us to understand the dynamics of institutionalizing hygiene measures for the control of syphilis, a process which was divided into three stages: In the first, between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, was developed and implemented the regulations prostitution as a mechanism for moral and hygienic control of venereal diseases in the second, between 20 and 30 years of the twentieth century , organizational elements and care for venereal disease control and eugenic proposals arising in connection with the strengthened control of syphilis in the third period , between 1938 and 1953 , the State clearly poses a campaign against venereal diseases , giving importance to the prevention , treatment and cure. The fight against venereal diseases, especially syphilis , was developed in Colombia through various hygienic measures used institutionalized mechanisms of inspection, monitoring and control. The relationship between venereal disease and prostitution, were formulated and promoted measures responded basically three approaches: prohibitionist , abolitionist and reglamentarists ; Maestría

This book provides a rare account of China's market reform in the own words of the Chinese: politicians, intellectuals, the media, and journalists. The Chinese rhetoric –complex, ironic, argumentative, and abstruse – may hold the key to understanding China's unique style of elite politics, state-citizen relationship, and institutional development. Topics include the establishment and change of the stock market and the recent institutionalization of the private equity industry. Rhetoricizing the Chinese capitalist transformation provides a glimpse into how the Chinese minds work as Chinese people participate in the process of changing the country and themselves. Adopting both an indigenous perspective and an outsider view on China, this book serves as a guide for anyone interested in learning how Chinese reason, persuade, debate, and resist.

Introduction / Maite Conde -- June 2013: A Moment in the Struggle for Public Transport in the City -- The June 2013 Protests in the City of São Paulo -- Are they Black Blocs? The Trajectories of Militancy, Repression and Contestation of Meaning in Rio de Janeiro's Protests -- Media Activism and Diverse Tactics on the Streets of Brazil. Observations about and from Mídia NINJA -- The Politics of Strolling -- Seja Gari, Seja Herói (Be a Binman, Be a Hero). Aesthetic Manifestations in Rio de Janeiro's Protests -- Social Movements and Participatory Planning. The Limits of Institutionalization -- Brazil. Development Strategies and Social Change from Import Substitution to the June Days -- The Democratic Eclipse: Between the Brazil of Social Struggles and the Brazil of Political Coups.

Historicizing both emotions and politics, this open access book argues that the historical work of emotion is most clearly understood in terms of the dynamics of institutionalization. This is shown in twelve case studies that focus on decisive moments in European and US history from 1800 until today. Each case study clarifies how emotions were central to people's political engagement and its effects. The sources range from parliamentary buildings and social movements, to images and speeches of presidents, from fascist cemeteries to the International Criminal Court. Both the timeframe and the geographical focus have been chosen to highlight the increasingly participatory character of nineteenth- and twentieth-century politics, which is inconceivable without the work of emotions.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of tables -- Acknowledgements -- A note on transliteration and translation -- Introduction -- Chapter 1 Interrogating the reformist Islam approach -- Chapter 2 Seeding Islam as a modern institutional political religion (1932-1978) -- Chapter 3 Reformist Islam and modern nation building (1932-1978) -- Chapter 4 Islam's emergence as a modern discursive political religion and institutional consolidation (1978-2003) -- Chapter 5 Reformist Islam, human rights, and democratization (2003-2009) -- Chapter 6 Explaining institutionalization of Islam and religion-based limitations -- Conclusion -- Appendix 1: Key constitutions analysed (1932-2008) -- Appendix 2: Legislation analysed for Chapter 2 -- Appendix 3: Maldivian Democratic Party newsletters analysed -- Appendix 4: Constituent Assembly sessions analysed -- Index.

This book addresses the discourses, agendas and actions of Muslim faith-based organizations and activists to empower Muslim communities in contemporary sub-Saharan Africa. The individual chapters discuss how traditional Muslim welfare and charity institutions, zakat (obligatory or mandatory almsgiving), sadaqa (voluntary almsgiving and donations) and waqf (pious endowments), are used to improve social welfare, focusing on instrumentalization and institutionalization in the collection and distribution of zakat. The book includes case studies from West Africa (Ghana, Burkina Faso, Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana and Senegal), the Horn of Africa (Somalia) and East Africa (Kenya and Tanzania), highlighting the role and interplay of local, national and international Sunni, Shia and Ahmadiyya Muslim faith-based organizations and NGOs.-- Publisher's description

"In Censorship in Colonial Indonesia, 1901-1942 Nobuto Yamamoto examines the institutionalization of censorship and its symbiosis with print culture in the former Dutch colony. Born from the liberal desire to promote the well-being of the colonial population, censorship was not practiced exclusively in repressive ways but manifested in constructive policies and stimuli, among which was the cultivation of the "native press" under state patronage. Censorship in the Indies oscillated between liberal impulse and the intrinsic insecurity of a colonial state in the era of nationalism and democratic governance. It proved unpredictable in terms of outcomes, at times being co-opted by resourceful activists and journalists, and susceptible to international politics as it transformed during the Sino-Japanese war of the 1930s"--

chapter 1 Explaining the Origins and Evolution of Religions -- chapter 2 Types of Natural Selection Driving Religious Evolution: A Preliminary Review -- chapter 3 In the Beginning: The Evolution of Primates -- chapter 4 Darwinian Selection on the Hominin Brain I: Directional Selection on Pre-adaptations -- chapter 5 Darwinian Selection on the Hominin Brain II: Selection on Behavioral Propensities and Capacities -- chapter 6 The Profane Origins of the Sacred and Supernatural: Darwinian and Type-1 Spencerian Natural Selection -- chapter 7 Type-1 Spencerian Selection: The Early Institutionalization of Religion -- chapter 8 Durkheimian Selection: The Social Ecology of Religious Evolution -- chapter 9 Type-2 Spencerian Selection: The Geopolitics of Religious Evolution -- chapter 10 Marxian Selection: The Dynamics of Religious Conflict.

This book analyzes the verticalization of coalition cabinets from the national to the sub-national level. Presenting case studies for countries with federal systems of government, such as Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Germany, and India, as well as those focusing on states with hybrid systems of government, such as Italy, the contributors analyze multilevel government formation processes to identify vertical congruence between national and sub-national coalitions. The book also examines various factors affecting the degree of congruence of political coalitions, such as the degree of decentralization, federalization and institutionalization of political systems, as well as cleavage structure. This book will be a valuable resource for all scholars interested in coalition politics, as well as for politicians and practitioners in government and parliament.--

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- 1. Hindrances to Modernity : Max Weber on Islam -- 2. The Institutionalization of Early Islamic Societies -- 3. Aspects of Islamization: Weber's Observations on Islam Reconsidered -- 4. Islamization in Late Medieval Bengal: The Relevance of Max Weber -- 5. Max Weber and the Patrimonial Empire in Islam: The Mughal Case -- 6. Paradise or Hell? The Religious Doctrine of Election in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Islamic Fundamentalism and Protestant Calvinism -- 7. Weber and Islamic Reform -- 8. Secularization, Weber, and Islam -- 9. Weber, Islamic Law, and the Rise of Capitalism -- 10. Weber and Islamic Sects -- 11. Weber's Analysis of Islam and the Specific Pattern of Islamic Civilization -- Bibliography -- Contributors -- Index