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The intrusion of management as major referenceof the functioning of our societies, raises thequestion on the de-institutionalization of theinstitution and, as reflection, that of theinstitutionalization of the organization, in a dualevolutionary perspective and directed asunavoidable. The modalities of businessmanagement are placed in effect between theinstitutionalization (caused by the generalization of their practices in the "corporate purposes")and the institutional frame that surrounds them,and understood in their extension in terms ofgovernance. This ambiguity is tied to the vaguedefinition of the institution and the organizationand to their reciprocally problematic location. Thegeneral hypothesis of this text will be theorthogonality (and not the opposition) between"institution" and "organization". It will bereasoned generally from the point of differencesand not from the opposition of both terms basedon three arguments: a political argument, atheoretical argument and an epistemologicalargument. ; La intrusión de la Administración como referencia principal del funcionamiento de nuestras sociedades, plantea el interrogante sobre la desinstitucionalización de la institución y, como reflejo, aquella de la institucionalización de la organización, en una perspectiva evolucionista dual y direccionada como ineludible. Las modalidades de gestión empresarial se sitúan en efecto entre la institucionalización (causada por la generalización de sus prácticas en los «objetos sociales») y el marco institucional que las rodea, incluso en su extensión en términos de gobernanza. Esta ambigüedad está ligada a la vaga definición de la institución y de la organización y a su localización recíprocamente problemática. La hipótesis general de este texto será la ortogonalidad (y no la oposición) entre «institución» y «organización». Se razonará generalmente a partir de las diferencias y no por la oposición de los dos términos á partir de tres argumentos: un argumento político, un argumento teórico y un argumento epistemológico

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The present work aims to point out some possible tasks for the Karl-Otto Apel´s discourse ethics today. Such tasks may concentrate on the need for a theory of the institutionalization of practical discourse, as a form of socially realized practical rationality. The question that has to be answered is what frame conditions should be found in the discourse so that it can be put into practice and what political-institutional effects it can produce in the context of really existing institutions. Starting with Gehlen and Luhmann -although to a lesser extent-, Apel interprets institutions as systems of self-affirmation that, on the one hand, free the subjects from the burden of action, but, on the other hand, limit or determine the consensual-argumentative rationality of discourse. The functional coercions (Sachzwänge) of the institutions configure a field of action and a type of rationality that, according to Apel, should be under the control of institutionalized discourse as a rational public sphere (Öffentlichkeit). The relationship between the ideal normative criteria of the institutionalized practical discourse and the existing institutions must be interpreted as a non-surmountable dialectical tension or intertwining. If this interpretation is correct, the discourse ethics, as a critical theory of society, cannot be understood as an application without more ideal normative criteria to the historical reality or adaptation of that reality to ideal criteria in its vertical sense, but as a mutual horizontal correlation.

The present work aims to point out some possible tasks for the Karl-Otto Apel´s discourse ethics today. Such tasks may concentrate on the need for a theory of the institutionalization of practical discourse, as a form of socially realized practical rationality. The question that has to be answered is what frame conditions should be found in the discourse so that it can be put into practice and what political-institutional effects it can produce in the context of really existing institutions. Starting with Gehlen and Luhmann -although to a lesser extent-, Apel interprets institutions as systems of self-affirmation that, on the one hand, free the subjects from the burden of action, but, on the other hand, limit or determine the consensual-argumentative rationality of discourse. The functional coercions (Sachzwänge) of the institutions configure a field of action and a type of rationality that, according to Apel, should be under the control of institutionalized discourse as a rational public sphere (Öffentlichkeit). The relationship between the ideal normative criteria of the institutionalized practical discourse and the existing institutions must be interpreted as a non-surmountable dialectical tension or intertwining. If this interpretation is correct, the discourse ethics, as a critical theory of society, cannot be understood as an application without more ideal normative criteria to the historical reality or adaptation of that reality to ideal criteria in its vertical sense, but as a mutual horizontal correlation.

ABSTRACT The present study aims to identify the importance of Islamic micro-financing schemes among the financial institutions and also determine the knowledge and attitudes of the respondents towards Shari'ah based financial products. A mixed-method approach, including quantitative and qualitative designs, has been employed by recruiting 255 and 15 respondents, respectively. The results showed no significant differences between respondents' knowledge and access to Shari'a-compliant finance. Similarly, there were no significant differences between respondents depending on their length of stay in the UK, ethnicity, and employment status. Moreover, this required financial support and empowerment from the government and related institutions.

This paper investigates the causal impact of non-state armed groups on local institutions during the armed conflict in Colombia, and tests competing theoretical mechanisms that may shape such effect. Our identification strategy is based on the construction of contiguous-pairs of rural communities that share common socio-economic characteristics but differ in armed group presence. The results show that the presence of armed groups is associated with increases in overall participation in local organizations, with a particularly strong effect on political organizations. This strengthening of local institutions during wartime appears to be driven by coercion exercised by armed groups that capture local organizations for strategic war purposes, rather than a reflection of a vibrant civil society

Resumen: En ciertos discursos retóricos se suele contraponer lo institucional, como garantía de buena organización y estabilidad en los gobiernos, respecto de la importancia política de los liderazgos personales. El propósito que anima esta nota editorial es poner de resalto que no se trata de conceptos contrapuestos, sino correlativos y necesitados mutuamente. La decisión política fundamental que organizó constitucionalmente nuestra convivencia adoptó la fórmula "representativa, republicana y federal" (art. 1º de la CN). Esta definición nos remite al muy esencial concepto clásico latino de la "cosa pública" –res publica–, cuya característica consiste en que la comunidad ha de organizarse y gobernarse por el conjunto de los ciudadanos iguales en capacidad y dignidad para expresarse sobre las cuestiones comunes. Ninguna forma de gobierno es pura, todas tienen elementos mixtos, con preponderancia de unos u otros, según hayan sido modeladas por la historia, las costumbres y las leyes. Las hubo con preponderancia aristocrática, al modo de las Ciudades Estado de Italia o las polis griegas, o asamblearias, en modelos revolucionarios como el francés o el soviético, luego de la caducidad del antiguo régimen monárquico.