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Institutions and conventions of quality
In: Historical Social Research, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 15-21
"Several contributions of the special issue 'Conventions and institutions from a historical perspective' (HSR 36.4) show that the dynamics of institutions and conventions are different and therefore the analysis of their interactions is of crucial issue, as the author will show in a first part. In a second part, he proposes to analyze the use of the notion of 'convention of quality' and in particular, the link between this notion and the capabilities of experts, in a distributed cognition perspective." (author's abstract)
Trust and institutions
In: Reihe Soziologie / Institut für Höhere Studien, Abt. Soziologie, Band 84
"Dieses Papier beschäftigt sich mit den Funktionen von Institutionen im Prozess der Vertrauensgenese in Beziehungen zwischen individuellen Akteuren (Managern) und kollektiven Akteuren (Firmen). Es werden mehrere Ansätze zur Konzeptualisierung von Vertrauen in organisationalen Kontexten und deren Annahmen darüber diskutiert, wie institutionelle Arrangements Prozesse der Vertrauensbildung beeinflussen. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Diskussion wird eine tragfähige Perspektive zur Analyse des Verhältnisses zwischen Vertrauen und institutionellen Strukturen entwickelt. Vier Szenarien, in welchen der Einfluss von Institutionen für die Genese von Vertrauen besonders wichtig sein kann, werden genauer betrachtet: das frühe Entwicklungsstadium von Geschäftsbeziehungen; Fälle, in denen Institutionen relativ stark und verlässlich sind; Fälle, in denen Vertrauen schnell aufgebaut werden muss; und Fälle, in denen idiosynkratische Transaktionen stattfinden." (Autorenreferat)
The institution of critique and the critique of institutions
In: Thesis eleven: critical theory and historical sociology, Band 124, Heft 1, S. 20-52
ISSN: 1461-7455, 0725-5136
My paper argues that Luc Boltanski's pragmatic sociology makes an important contribution to two central concerns of critical theory: the empirical analysis of the contradictions and conflicts of capitalist societies and the reflexive clarification of the epistemological and normative grounds of critique. I show how Boltanski's assessment of the limitations of Bourdieu's critical sociology significantly influenced his pragmatic sociology of critique and explication of the political philosophies present in actors' practices of dispute and justification. Although pragmatism has revealed how social life involves considerable uncertainty, Boltanski contends that critique needs to take into account how institutions generate semantic security, as well as symbolic violence. Boltanski's endeavour to reformulate critique is compared with influential alternative conceptions, notably those of Habermas, Castoriadis, and Honneth. Despite its potential deficiencies and weaknesses, Boltanski's reformulation of critique is found to be of considerable theoretical significance. In particular, Boltanski's analysis of the role critique has played in the reorganization of capitalism can be extended, and his work is suggestive of how some of the intentions of critical theory can be pursued in new ways.
Institution
"The pandemic has brought into sharp relief the fundamental relationship between institution and human life: at the very moment when the virus was threatening to destroy life, human beings called upon institutions - on governments, on health systems, on new norms of behavior - to combat the virus and preserve life. Drawing on this and other examples, Roberto Esposito argues that institutions and human life are not opposed to one another but rather two sides of a single figure that, together, delineate the vital character of institutions and the instituting power of life. What else is life, after all, if not a continuous institution, a capacity for self-regeneration along new and unexplored paths? No human life is reducible to pure survival, to "bare life." There is always a point at which life reaches out beyond primary needs, entering into the realm of desires and choices, passions and projects, and at that point human life becomes instituted: it becomes part of the web of relations that constitute social, political, and cultural life."--
Basic International Institutions, Pseudo-Institutions and the Institutions Called States
In: Cooperation and conflict: journal of the Nordic International Studies Association, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 83-95
ISSN: 1460-3691
III Governmental and Administrative Institutions Institutions Politiques Et Administratives: (a) Central institutions /Institutions centrales
In: International political science abstracts: IPSA, Band 57, Heft 6, S. 741-759
ISSN: 1751-9292
III Governmental and Administrative Institutions / Institutions Politiques et Administratives: (a) Central institutions / Institutions centrales
In: International political science abstracts: IPSA, Band 57, Heft 5, S. 611-629
ISSN: 1751-9292
III Governmental and Administrative Institutions/ Institutions Politiques et Administratives: (a) Central institutions / Institutions centrales
In: International political science abstracts: IPSA, Band 57, Heft 4, S. 479-502
ISSN: 1751-9292
Institutions matter: but which institutions? And how and why do they change?
In: Journal of institutional economics, Band 12, Heft 3, S. 721-742
ISSN: 1744-1382
AbstractBoth political and economic institutions matter for economic growth and development, and are indissolubly connected: sustained economic growth requires far-reaching opening up of the economy and polity to wide participation. This review essay draws on three books which share this view of institutions, to develop an argument on which institutions matter most, and how and why they change. Like them, it uses history as laboratory. Northet al.(2009) inViolence and Social Ordersfocus on Britain, France and the United States, in which change was generally progressive, to study such change from the medieval to the modern period. Jan van Zanden inThe Long Road to the Industrial Revolutionlooks at Europe, 1000–1800, in particular the Netherlands and England, finding regressive as well as progressive change. Acemoglu and Robinson also examine both directions of change, inWhy Nations Fail:they range widely in space, but little before the 16th century. All three offer powerful tools of analysis. All have implications for policy-makers in advanced societies who wish to promote the development of 'inclusive' institutions elsewhere. Two striking surprises emerge, and oneprime mover– an institution with particular power to change others – the medieval Catholic church.
What is an institution?
In: Journal of institutional economics, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 1-22
ISSN: 1744-1382
When I was an undergraduate in Oxford, we were taught economics almost as though it were a natural science. The subject matter of economics might be different from physics, but only in the way that the subject matter of chemistry or biology is different from physics. The actual results were presented to us as if they were scientific theories. So, when we learned that savings equals investment, it was taught in the same tone of voice as one teaches that force equals mass times acceleration. And we learned that rational entrepreneurs sell where marginal cost equals marginal revenue in the way that we once learned that bodies attract in a way that is directly proportional to the product of their mass and inversely proportional to the square of the distance between them. At no point was it ever suggested that the reality described by economic theory was dependent on human beliefs and other attitudes in a way that was totally unlike the reality described by physics or chemistry.
A basic model for social institutions
In: Journal of Mathematical Sociology, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 1-29
A precise model of social institutions is described comprising four dimensions: first, a macro-level of groups, types of actions, and related notions, second, a micro-level of underlying individuals and actions, together with suitable relations of intention, causal belief and power. Power is characterized in a new way emending proposals discussed recently. Third, the model contains intellectual representations of items on the macro- and micro-level. Fourth, it contains a dimension including the origin and development of what we call "social practices" (smallest units of socially relevant behaviour) which gives the model some historical depth. By putting all these items together, a powerful model with a wide range of applications is created. The claim associated with this model is that it applies to all social institutions which are similar to systems listed up in the introduction. The way of applying the model is discussed in detail on the basis of an abstract example.