Suchergebnisse

Leta 2005 se je v Evropski uniji govorilo o biogospodarstvu kot dolgoročni viziji, ki bo omogočila dvig konkurenčnosti, boljše izkoriščanje virov in zmanjšanje ogljičnega odtisa. Biogospodarstvo bo ena izmed ključnih usmeritev evropskih držav v bližnji in daljni prihodnosti. Smernice razvoja je začrtala tudi Evropska komisija, temu pa sledijo podporni inštrumenti, ki omogočajo vpeljavo akcijskih načrtov in strategij. Nekatere evropske države, med njimi vodilna Nemčija in Nizozemska, imajo tovrstni sistem že močno zakoreninjen v gospodarskih reformah, vse od krožnega gospodarstva, uporabe biomase, principa kaskade dodajanja vrednosti in vpeljave biorafinerij za nove produkte. Priložnosti so tako na vseh področjih, od kmetijstva, lesne in lesnopredelovalne industrije do ribištva in bioosnovane industrije. Namen raziskovalne naloge je bil preveriti dejavnike, ki vplivajo na razvoj biogospodarstva v Sloveniji. Raziskavo sem izvedel s poglobljenimi polstrukturiranimi intervjuji z več predstavniki iz industrije in raziskovalnih ustanov ter s kreatorji politik (državnih ustanov) in grozdov. Izkazalo se je, da v slovenskem prostoru nimamo strategije, namenjene prehodu v biogospodarstvo, in tako prihaja zgolj do kratkotrajnih primerov dobrih praks na tem področju. Zaradi nizkih industrijskih vlaganj, nerazvitega trga in nizke stopnje ozaveščenosti, tovrstnih produktov tudi še ni na tržišču kljub mnogim raziskavam, ki potekajo na tem področju. Potencial grozdenja pa ostaja neizkoriščen. ; Bioeconomy in the European Union was considered a long-term vision leading to increased competitiveness, better use of resources and reduction of carbon footprint already since 2005. Bioeconomy remains one of the key strategies by European countries in the immediate as well as more distant future. The European Commission developed the guidelines, which were followed by instruments enabling the implementation of action plans and strategies. In some European countries, among them Germany and the Netherland as the leading ones, such systems are already deeply rooted in their economic reforms. This includes circular economy, use of biomass, principle of added value cascade and biorefineries. There are opportunities in the field of the processing industry, different fields of biomass production and processing such as agriculture, aquaculture, forestry, food and wood processing, as well as general biobased industry. The aim of this research was to assess the bioeconomy opportunities and factors influencing bioeconomy. Our study was conducted by in-depth semi-structured interviews with several shareholders from industry, research institutions, policy makers and clusters in Slovenia. Surprisingly, we have observed, that in Slovenia, there is practically no strategy focusing on the transition towards bioeconomy, but only few short-term examples of good practice in this field. Although a number of research projects have been conducted in this sector, and considering very low availability of investments in this field, an underdeveloped market and low awareness-level, there are only few biobased products avaiable on the Slovene market. The potential of clustering has thus become been underexploited.

Demokratični deficit je že več desetletji stalnica akademskih razprav o Evropski uniji. Vsebina raziskovanj se je skozi čas bistveno spremenila, ohranja pa se temeljna misel, da se demokracija v Evropski uniji sooča z velikimi težavami. Zaupanje Evropejcev v Evropsko unijo je nizko, podobno velja tudi za občutek povezanosti z njenimi organi, zato je očitno, da so spremembe nujno potrebne. Z vsako večjo reformo pride do sprememb, ki bistveno vplivajo na razmerja moči med evropskimi institucijami in na njihov odnos do Evropejcev. Najvidnejše spremembe v zadnjih desetletjih so krepitev moči Evropskega parlamenta, ki se je razvil v vplivno institucijo, uvajanje institutov neposredne demokracije in druge reforme, ki jih je prinesla Lizbonska pogodba. Napredek pa je, žal, na drugi strani uravnotežen s pojavom mehanizmov in institutov, ki demokratična varovala zaobidejo. To so na primer ukrepi, ki so bili sprejeti kot odziv na dolžniško krizo evroobmočja in v velikem delu sploh ne spadajo med formalne pristojnosti Evropske unije. V svojem magistrskem delu sem analiziral in kritično ovrednotil procese, ki so bistveno vplivali na ključne organe Evropske unije, njihove spreminjajoče se medsebojne odnose ter predvidene učinke aktualnih reform. Pregledal sem širok izbor literature preteklih desetletji in predstavil različna teoretska izhodišča, na podlagi katerih avtorji skušajo opredeliti in analizirati demokratični deficit in z njim povezane tematike. Ključna ugotovitev mojega magistrskega mojega dela ni le, da so aktualne reforme premalo ambiciozne in demokratičnega deficita ne morejo odpraviti, ampak predvsem da demokratični deficit ni le kategorija akademskih razprav, temveč je zelo močno politično orodje in odločilno usmerja razvoj Evropske unije. Demokratični deficit je zato stalnica evropske demokracije in ne more nikoli biti povsem odpravljen, saj se ob razvoju Evropske unije vedno znova pojavlja v drugačnih oblikah, ki terjajo nove reforme in kritične analize akademikov, intelektualcev, državljanov, politikov in vseh drugih zainteresiranih strani. ; The democratic deficit has been a constant of all academic research on the European Union for the past few decades. While the scope of the research has changed considerably, the basic idea remains the same – democracy in the European Union is in serious trouble. Europeans' trust in the EU is low and the same goes for their connection with European institutions, therefore it is clear that changes are required. Every major reform alters the balance of power between European institutions and their relationship with European citizens. The most visible changes of the past decades are: the empowerment of the European parliament that has been transformed into an influential institution, the introduction of instruments of direct democracy and other reforms brought upon by the Treaty of Lisbon. Unfortunately, progress is balanced out by the emergence of various mechanisms and instruments that surpass all democratic checks and balances. For example, the measures that were adopted as a response to the European debt crisis were mostly not based on formal competencies of the EU. In my Master's thesis I analysed and critically evaluated the processes that crucially influenced the most significant European institutions, their ever-changing relationships and the anticipated effects of the current reforms. I examined a substantial body of literature from past decades and presented diverse theoretical starting points that the authors use to define and analyse the democratic deficit and related topics. The most significant finding of my Master's thesis is not only that the current reforms lack ambition and cannot eliminate the democratic deficit, but also that the democratic deficit is more than just a category of academic research and can often act as a strong political tool that decisively influences the development of the European Union. Therefore, the democratic deficit is a permanent element of European democracy and can never be fully eliminated as it always reappears in new forms that require constant reforms and critical analysis by academia, intellectuals, citizens, politicians and other stakeholders.

Vprašanje kolektivnih pravnih sredstev v Evropski uniji je v zadnjih letih zaradi pobud evropskih institucij pridobilo veliko pozornosti. V praksi se ja namreč pokazalo, da je intervencija Evropske unije na tem področju potrebna, saj se instituti kolektivne tožbe v državah članicah zelo razlikujejo. Razlikujejo se po vrsti kolektivne tožbe, ki je na voljo, aktivni legitimaciji, uporabi sistema vključitve ali izključitve, financiranja tožbe itd. Heterogenost na tem področju je problematična, saj niso vsi državljani držav članic Evropske unije deležni enake pravne zaščite v primerih množičnih oškodovanj. Različne ureditve držav članic pa imajo tudi negativni vpliv na enotni notranji trg. V nalogi sem analizirala izbrane postopke s kolektivnimi tožbami v državah članicah Evropske unije in osvetlila razlike med njimi. Ugotovila sem, da je ukrepanje organov Evropske unije potrebno, da se zagotovi ustrezno urejene in uravnotežene mehanizme, ki prispevajo k učinkoviti zaščiti in izvrševanju pravic v primerih množičnih oškodovanj. ; The issue of collective redress procedures in the European Union has received a great deal of attention in recent years due to initiatives by the European Union institutions. In practice, however, it has become clear that the European Union intervention in this area is necessary, as institutes of collective redress vary greatly from one-Member State to another. They differ in type of collective action available, legal standing, use of an opt-in or an opt-out system, financing of the action, and so on. Heterogeneity in this area is problematic, as not all citizens of the Member States of the European Union enjoy equal legal protection in cases of mass harm. Moreover, different Member States arrangements also have a negative impact on the single internal market. In this thesis, I have analysed selected collective redress procedures in the Member States of the European Union and highlighted the differences between them. I have identified the need for actions by the European Union institutions to ensure that mechanisms are properly regulated and balanced to contribute to the effective protection and enforcement of rights in cases of mass harm.

Namen magistrskega dela je razumeti razlike med epidemiološko uspešnostjo ukrepov za zajezitev Covid-19 v različnih državah in ugotoviti nabor dejavnikov, ki pojasnijo te razlike. Zato smo razvili ogrodje za analizo uspešnosti ukrepov, ki sloni na primerjalni analizi opazovanih epidemioloških podatkov. Uporabili smo ga za enostavno primerjavo podatkov v 133 državah z vseh celin, med katerimi je 41 evropskih držav. Nadalje smo predstavili rezultate podrobne primerjave epidemioloških ukrepov v enajstih evropskih državah izbranih na osnovi različnih evropskih socialnih modelov. Našo raziskavo smo izvedli s pomočjo Spearmanove korelacijske analize nad dejavniki, ki vplivajo na epidemiološko uspešnost ukrepov (število umrlih in okuženih s Covid-19, število ukrepov, uspešnost glede na gostoto prebivalstva idr.). Za končno analizo posameznih sprejetih epidemioloških ukrepov smo nato uporabili še izračune njihovih vplivov na trende uspešnosti po zastavljeni petstopenjski lestvici. V raziskavi ugotavljamo, da pri uspešnosti vladnih epidemioloških ukrepov igra pomembno vlogo zaupanje državljanov v javne institucije. Posledično so v državah z visokim zaupanjem pogosto zelo uspešni že preventivni (epidemiološki) ukrepi. Na našem naboru podatkov ugotavljamo tudi, da epidemiološka uspešnost ni odvisna od gostote prebivalstva in števila sprejetih epidemioloških ukrepov v državi. Potrdimo lahko, da epidemiološki ukrepi niso vsi enako uspešni in da so enaki ukrepi bolj uspešni v državah z višjim zaupanjem v javne institucije. Odločevalcem je tako na voljo orodje za analizo sprejetih epidemioloških ukrepov, ki jih lahko nato enostavno primerjajo glede na predstavnike sorodnega evropskega socialnega modela. Izdelano orodje ponuja dejavnike, na katere morajo biti pozorni, da bi srednjeročno povečali zaupanje v javne institucije ter tako še izboljšali uspešnost države pri prebijanju skozi epidemijo tega ali katerega od prihodnjih virusov. Državljanom pa raziskava ponuja odgovor, kako dobro so se v epidemiji odrezali njihovi odločevalci in ali so opravičili njihovo zaupanje. ; The purpose of this Master's thesis is to understand the differences in the epidemiological success of the measures for mitigating the Covid-19 epidemics in various countries and identify factors that explain the differences. To this end, we design a framework for the analysis of the government interventions' success from epidemiological data. The analysis is based on a basic comparison of the epidemiological data from 133 countries worldwide, including 41 European countries. We also perform a more advanced, detailed comparison of data on government interventions in eleven European countries selected with resect to different European social models. Our research was conducted using Spearman's correlation analysis using the factors influencing the epidemiological success of measures (number of deceased and infected by Covid-19, number of measures, population density, etc.). For the final analysis of the individual adopted government interventions, we have used the calculations of the interventions' impact on the trends of epidemiological performance using a predefined five-level scale. The research finds that the trust of the people towards their public, governmental institutions has a very large impact on the success of the governments' interventions. Consequently, in all the countries with high trust, simple preventive measures show high rates of success. Our analysis also shows that the success of the epidemiological measures does not depend nor is connected on the density of population nor the number of interventions in a country. We can finally confirm that not all measures are equally successful and that the same measures are more successful in countries with a higher trust in public institutions. The Master thesis gives the decision-makers a tool they can use to analyze their epidemiological interventions and simply compare them with the suitable representative from the European social models. The developed tool identifies elements that must be taken into account to increase the trust of the people to the public institutions in the medium term, and hence help improve the country's performance to overcome the epidemic of this or any other new viruses that may appear in the future. To the citizens, the tool offers an answer on how well the decision-makers in their country performed and whether they have justified their trust.

Integrity and transparency are crucial elements of modern democratic countries, and trust in politico-administrative institutions must be pursued and maintained at every turn, including when it comes to reporting ceremonial gifts. Despite their (often) problematic connotations, ceremonial gifts are a major element of building strong relationships, from the highest positions in politics and diplomacy to the closest public servants. This article examines data concerning reported gifts in the Republic of Slovenia. Through in-depth statistical analysis, the authors established anomalies in the reporting of ceremonial gifts, in particular flawed descriptions of gifts and problematic assessment of their monetary values, which in most cases is left to the layperson. The authors conclude that a problem clearly exists with implementation of the normative framework because only the technical aspect and less the qualitative side is taken into account while reporting ceremonial gifts. Keywords: ceremonial gifts; reporting; anomalies; transparency; trust; Slovenia

Abstract. The article aims to explore the public's fear of data being misused when using European Covid-19 contact-tracing applications. The point of departure lies in considering the research question of whether the Covid-19 pandemic has influenced the platformisation of traditional institutions, i.e., whether the design of Europe's proximity-tracing applications mimic the dataintensive web services of commercial platforms, namely commercial APIs and their data policies, in order to bypass the right to privacy. We accordingly argue that is vital to address the public's fears of governmental and corporate dataveillance as well as data misuse while using such apps. The investigation entails of a critical analysis of the Exposure Notification System framework designed by Apple and Google (or GAEN) and the #OstaniZdrav application. The article rejects the justification of the public's fear of governmental dataveillance, while recognising the possibility of corporate data misuse. Keywords: Covid-19 contact-tracing application, right to privacy, GDPR, API, protocol, metadata, dataveillance

The democratisation and economic growth of the Asian Tigers, specifically South Korea and Taiwan, brought structural changes to the academic systems of these countries, particularly in the fields of political science and international relations. The article aims to provide a comprehensive and hybrid view on the regularity of political science in the academic environments (university systems) of East Asian countries with a focus on South Korea and Taiwan through the observational analysis method and a historical-sociological mechanism. The findings are summarised, where it is argued that the pentagonal democratic citizenship system (legal, political, cultural, social, economic) as well as the establishing of structural and updated political-economic relations with the main powers in the international system are the two crtitcial factors that have contributed to the adjustment of political science in East Asian countries, including South Korea and Taiwan. The article concludes that, along with the international and domestic developments in South Korea and Taiwan, political science underwent structural changes and is becoming more regulated and structured. Keywords: South Korea, Taiwan, political science, democracy, institution

The study in this article addresses three research questions: a) how do college students view the effectiveness of technology-mediated virtual learning during the COVID-19 pandemic; b) how does virtual learning impact their perceived mental health; and c) what is the mode of learning they most prefer? It follows an explanatory research design and survey method. Data are collected using a questionnaire with a purposive sample of 102 students and interviews with 20 students and 40 faculty members in India. The conceptual framework of this study is quite similar to the modified version of the Technology Acceptance Model (Venkatesh and Davis, 2000). The study reveals that 86% of the students find virtual learning to be ineffective. Such learning not only fails to provide adequate opportunities for experiential learning for developing knowledge, skills, and leadership abilities but also creates several perceived mental health problems. This study may help higher education institutions while designing and implementing virtual teaching-learning systems in order to prevent their negative impact on student's perceived mental health in future crises. Keywords: Virtual learning, perceived mental health, COVID-19 pandemic, Behavioural Intention, Perceived Usefulness

The discussion about the establishment of regions has been going on in Slovenia for some years. In addition, the regional legislation package has been in the parliamentary procedure for quite some time, too. The purpose of this paper is neither to analyze the proposed legislation nor to provide a detailed list of all the solutions the legislation can bring in. The real purpose of this paper is to analyze various existing regional divisions in the fields of the state administration, general public services & civil society. Some of these regional divisions are supposed to be adapted (according to the regional tasks presented in the legislative proposal) to the proposed dividing the country into fourteen regions. It interests us how the regionalization, taken into consideration by various institutions of the state administration, broader public sector & civil social organizations, complies with the proposals made in attempts to introduce a broader level of local self-government. Besides, we would also like to ascertain whether in already existing regional divisions in Slovenia there might be the predominant solution that could be the basis for the future dividing Slovenia into regions. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

Prispevek v luči slovenskega predsedovanja Svetu EU v prvi polovici leta 2008 predstavi institucijo Svet EU in organizacijske, posredniške, politične in nacionalne vloge, ki jih uresničuje predsedujoča država. Obravnavan je slovenski gozdno-politični okvir, ki vpliva na usmeritev za posamezno vlogo inpredstavljena teza, da sta za Slovenijo najpomembnejši organizacijska in nacionalna vloga. V okviru nacionalne vloge je pomembno pridobiti nove ideje za vsebino gozdne politike in znanja o procesu njenega oblikovanja na domači ravni in ravni Unije. ; In the light of the Slovenian presidency of the EU Council in the first half of the year 2008, the contribution presents the Council of the European Union (the EU Council) as an institution and the organizational, mediatory, political and national roles performed by the presiding state. The framework of the Slovenian forest policy is discussed, which influences the policy regarding each individual role, and the thesis presented by which the most important roles for Slovenia are the organizational and national role. Within the national role it is important to acquire new ideas regarding forest policyas well as the skills and knowledge regarding the drafting of forest policy on the level of the state and the EU.