Suchergebnisse

Ko slišimo za pojem korupcija, takoj pomislimo na zlorabo javne službe za doseganje lastnih koristi. Posamezniki in podjetja podkupujejo administrativne uslužbence, da le-ti uredijo zadeve, ki morajo biti rešene. Gre torej za izsiljevanje rent od gospodarskih udeležencev in posledično od ekonomije same izključno za zasebne koristi politikov in uradnikov. Tovrsten pristop k obravnavanju pojava je v zadnjih letih začrtal popolnoma novo smer analiziranja in merjenja korupcije. Korupcija se predstavi v popolnoma novi podobi, v kateri posamezniki, skupine oziroma podjetja vplivajo na formulacijo zakonov, ali celo spreobračajo že oblikovana pravila igre, da bi si s tem zagotovili pomembne ugodnosti. Korupcija je in vedno bo obstajala v svetu, edina razlika je v tem, da se z razvojem družb spreminja, prevzema bolj prefinjene oblike, zaradi katerih jo je težje odkrivati in preprečevati. Vse bolj razsežne in destruktivne posledice, ki jih ima korupcija na gospodarsko rast in družbeno stabilnost, nujno zahtevajo praktične strategije omejevanja korupcije. Problem korupcije se ne omejuje na določeno regijo, kajti z njenimi grožnjami se ubadajo tako razvite države kot tudi države v razvoju in tranzitne države. V postsocialističnih državah so sočasni procesi razvijanja tržne ekonomije, oblikovanja novih političnih in socialnih institucij ter prerazporejanje družbene lastnine ustvarili rodna tla za pojav korupcije. Zaradi kompleksnosti fenomena in predvsem zaradi vse večjega zavedanja, da vzroki za prevzem države presegajo golo neučinkovitost in šibkost državne uprave, je potrebno za razumevanje in odpravljanje state capture razsvetliti problem širših strukturalnih povezav, kot so interna organizacija političnega sistema, odnosi in zveze med ključnimi državnimi institucijami, interakcije med podjetji in državo ter povezave med državo in civilno družbo. ; When we think about corruption, an image quickly comes to mind of abuse of public office for private gains. Individuals and firms are bribing bureaucrats to »get things done«. Behind this view lies an understanding of the state extracting rents from the economy for the exclusive benefit of politicians and bureaucrats. Such an aprroach has had a powerful impact on the way corruption has been analyzed and measured in recent years. Corruption has taken on a new image – that of individuals, groups, or firms manipulating policy formation and even shaping the emerging rules of the game to their own, very substantional advantage. Corruption has always existed across the world and it will never disappear, the difference is that has become more sophisticated and thus more difficult and costly to detect. With the increasing recognition across the globe of the damaging effects of corruption on economic growth and social stability, the demand for practical strategies to reduce corruption has grown dramatically. The problem is not confined to any particular region, and developed, developing and transition countries alike are confronting these challenges. In postcommunist states the simultaneous processes of developing a market economy, designing new political and social institutions and redistributing social assets have created fertile ground for corruption. With regard to complexity of phenomena and with increasing recognition that the roots of state capture extend far beyond weaknesses in the capacity of government, we need to be aware of factors underlying the persistence of corruption that is broader structural relationships, including the internal organization of the political system, relationships among core state institutions, the interactions between the state and firms, and the relationship between the sate and civil society.

Cepljenje otrok je v Sloveniji po zakonu obvezno in starši nimajo možnosti za svobodno odločitev glede tega. Področje obveznega cepljenja po teoriji Foucaulta spada v biopolitično oblast s primesmi disciplinarne oblasti. Ta vrsta oblasti ima nadzor nad vsemi biološkimi procesi, kot so razploditev, rodnost in smrtnost, nivo zdravja, trajanje življenja, dolgoživost, hkrati pa vrši tudi nadzor nad vsemi pogoji, ki na te procese vplivajo. Gre za celoten sistem intervencij in urejevalnih kontrol, biopolitika populacije. To je oblast vzpodbujanja, usmerjanja, reguliranja in nadzora, preko katere se upravlja telesa in življenja. Šole, vojašnice, zapori, psihiatrične institucije so se razvili kot instrumenti regulacije populacije, prav tako pa med te instrumente spadata javno zdravstvo in obvezno cepljenje, ki omogočata podvrženje teles in nadzor populacije. Obvezno cepljenje je v zahodnem delu Evrope večinoma prostovoljno, medtem ko v Sloveniji in državah južne in vzhodne evrope vlada obvezno cepljenje. V primeru neupoštevanja zakona o obveznem cepljenju so starši v prekršku, zaradi česar je zagrožena denarna globa. ; In Slovenia immunisation of children is mandatory by law and parents do not have the freedom to make the decisions regarding it. In Foucault's theory compulsory immunisaton falls under the biopolitical power with elements of the disciplinary authority. This type of authority has power over all human biological processes, such as procreation, fertility and mortality, level of health, length of life, and longevity, while at the same time posessing the power of control over all the conditions, that influence these processes. This is a complete system of interventions and regulatory controls, the biopolitics of the population. This is the authority of encouragement, guidance, regulation and control, through which bodies and lives are managed. Schools, barracks, prisons, psychiatric institutions have been developed as instruments of population regulation as well as public healthcare and mandatory vaccinations, which enable subjection of bodies and population control. In western European coutries vaccination is mostly voluntary, while in Slovenia and other southern and eastern European countries immunisation is mandatory. Failure to comply with the law is a misdemeanor with the threat of a monetary fine.

Skrajno desne ideje so v evropskem prostoru prisotne že stoletja. Včasih zaradi določenih situacij pridejo na plano, v kratkem pa potem tudi izginejo. Evropska unija, ki se je izgradila na pogorišču skrajnih idej in sistemov, se je ponovno srečala s težko situacijo. V letu 2008 je staro celino zajela svetovna finančna kriza, ki je do temeljev pretresla dotedanjo uspešno evropsko integracijo in pri tem obudila skrajne ideje. Finančni krizi je po nekaj letih sledila migrantska, ki je že tako težko situacijo naredila še težjo. V določenih državah so se začele prebujati skrajne populistične in nacionalistične ideje, ki so krivca za nastalo situacijo iskale znotraj Evropske unije, v njenih institucijah in migrantih, ki so zaradi različnih razlogov prihajali v varno Evropo. Vzpon skrajno desnih strank je imel v posameznih državah različne motive, zakaj je stranka prišla na oblast oz. je imela v državi velik pomen. Vprašanje, ki se pojavlja ob trenutni situaciji v Evropski uniji, je, kako bodo skrajne ideje vplivale na nadaljnjo integracijo oz. dezintegracijo Evropske unije. ; Far-right ideas have been present in the European area for centuries. Certain situations cause them to emerge every now and then, before they disappear again not long after. The European Union, which was built on the ruins of radical ideas and political systems, is once again facing this menacing threat. In 2008, the old continent was hit by the global financial crisis, which shook the so far very successful European integration to its core and began to awake certain extremist notions. After a few years, the financial crisis was followed by the migrant crisis, which had since only exacerbated the situation. Populist and nationalist ideas, which were starting to resurge in some European countries, were looking for a scapegoat for the new state of affairs in the European Union and within the walls of its institutions and migrants, who were arriving into safe Europe for various reasons, made for a perfect target. The rise of far-right political parties had different motives in individual countries, regardless whether a particular party seized power or simply grew in prominence. The question that the European Union is facing at the moment is how these extremist ideas will influence further integration or disintegration of Europe.

Magistrsko delo analizira delovanje male države, ko je ta na čelu Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi (OVSE), v okviru enega od glavnih področij delovanja institucije – upravljanja in preprečevanja konfliktov. Analizira, kako lahko mala država s pametno uporabo svoje mehke moči deluje kot agent preventivne diplomacije in s katerimi ovirami se pri tem srečuje. Magistrsko delo kot študijo primera obravnava krizo v Kirgiziji leta 2005, ki sovpada s predsedovanjem Slovenije OVSE. Delo pokaže, da ima mala država ravno zaradi svojih specifičnih lastnosti primerjalne prednosti pri delovanju v okviru preventivne diplomacije, saj jo druge države pogosto dojemajo kot razmeroma nepristranskega akterja, ki se v reševanje krize ne vpleta aktivno zato, da bi zasledoval (ozko definirane) nacionalne interese, kar je pogost očitek velikim državam. Prav tako se pokaže, da je zaslomba, ki jo mali državi daje institucija (v našem primeru OVSE), lahko ključnega pomena, saj se mali državi pod okriljem institucije s tem krepi legitimnost. Analiza delovanja Slovenije v primeru krize v Kirgiziji še pokaže, da je ena od glavnih nalog male države kot predsedujoče mednarodni instituciji skupnostno delovanje, ki mora upoštevati pravila odločevalskega procesa, obenem pa ravno skupnostno delovanje prinaša mali državi možnost, da se v mednarodnem okolju izkaže kot zanesljiv partner in deluje kot most med različnimi interesi. S tem krepi svoj mednarodni ugled in posledično svojo mehko moč. ; The thesis analyses activities of small states (focusing on Slovenia) during their Chairmanship of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), in the field of conflict management and conflict prevention as one of the main areas of the OSCE. It analyses how a small country can put its soft power to smart use and act as an agent of preventive diplomacy and what the main obstacles for its activities are. The thesis deals with a case-study of the Kyrgyz revolution in 2005, which coincided with Slovenia's Charimanship of the OSCE. The thesis shows that a small country's specific characteristics bring comparative advantages in preventive diplomacy, because small countries do not engage actively in crisis resolution in pursuit of their (narrowly defined) national interests as it is often associated with big states. It also shows that organizational backing (in our case the OSCE's) is vital for small states, because it provides legitimacy. With the analysis of Slovenia's Chairmanship, the thesis shows that one of the main tasks for a small country, chairing an international institution, is a community action with an emphasis on the decision-making process. A successful community action brings about opportunities for a small country to prove itself in an international environment and to act as a bridge builder between different interests. With this, the small country can strengthen its international reputation and its soft power.

POVZETEK Prvi del magistrske naloge zajema razlago ustavnih ureditev treh držav, Združenih držav Amerike, Francije in Slovenije, ter instrumente in institucije, podobne slovenski interpelaciji. Ustavne ureditve so vključene zaradi razumevanja razmerja med parlamentom in vlado, saj to igra ključno vlogo pri sprožitvi procesa interpelacije ter pri postavljanju poslanskih vprašanj. Interpelacija po slovenski ureditvi pomeni formalno vloženo pisno vprašanje skupine deset ali več poslancev z namenom, da bi odstavili bodisi ministra ali vlado. Interpelacija je orodje opozicije, da izpostavi trenutno oblast in jo postavi v položaj, kjer se mora javno zagovarjati. V ta kontekst so postavljeni primeri interpelacije v Sloveniji, ker so primer dejanskega nadzora parlamenta nad delovanjem vlade. Interpelacij se je v naši 26 let stari državi zgodilo kar nekaj, za magistrsko delo smo izbrali obdobje devete vlade Republike Slovenije, ki jo je vodil Borut Pahor. V času od novembra 2008 do februarja 2012 so se zgodile štiri interpelacije, ki so dober primer tega, kako je delovalo določeno ministrstvo v tistem obdobju, kakšen je bil sproten pritisk parlamenta na vlado in stališče opozicije do takratne oblasti. Z najprej opisanim razmerjem med parlamentom in vlado ter s primerjavo z drugimi državami smo pojasnili razmerje v slovenski ureditvi, nato pa s primeri interpelacije prikazali, kako to razmerje deluje v praksi. ; ABSTRACT The first part of the thesis consists of the overview of constitutional orders from three states: United States of America, France and Slovenia with the instruments and institutions similar to Slovenian interpellation. Constitutional orders are included because of the easier understanding of relationship between the Parliament and Government, which is crucial for the initiation of the interpellation process and for asking the parliamentary questions. Under the Slovenian constitution interpellation means a formal written question handed in by a group of ten or more members of the parliament with the intent to remove the minister or the government from its position. Interpellation is the instrument of the opposition, to call the coalition in question. In this context we have included the actual cases of interpellation in Slovenia, because they represent the control of Parliament above the work of Government. In our 26 years old country, there has been a significant number of interpellations, and the selected period is the ninth Government of Republic of Slovenia, which was under a leadership of Borut Pahor. In this precise time, from November 2008 to February 2012, four interpellations were processed, which show a good example of how a specific Ministry worked at the time, and what was the consistent pressure of Parliament on the Government, and the position of opposition towards the leadership at that time. With firstly described correlation between Parliament and Government and with the comparison with other countries, we have explained a relationship in Slovenian constitutional order, and afterwards I have presented how this relationship practically works with the cases of interpellations.

V svetu in pri nas se vse pogosteje pojavljajo nove in sofisticirane oblike gospodarske kriminalitete, ki vsebujejo tudi elemente oziroma prvine s področja računovodstva. Predvsem v ZDA se kot odgovor na te težave že nekaj časa pojavlja forenzično računovodstvo, medtem ko je v Sloveniji to področje relativno novo in še ne uveljavljeno. Gre za specializirano vejo na področju računovodstva, katere smoter je v prvi vrsti preprečevanje, odkrivanje in dokazovanje (računovodskih) kaznivih dejanj ter preiskovanje poslovne zanesljivosti fizičnih oseb ali organizacij. V magistrskem delu je podrobno predstavljeno področje forenzičnega računovodstva in različne oblike njegovega delovanja, pri čemer je bistvena uporabna vrednost te dejavnosti pri odkrivanju in preiskovanju gospodarskih oziroma računovodskih kaznivih dejanj. Analizirani so številni vidiki, od same metodologije forenzičnega računovodstva, do strokovno-kadrovskega vidika, kjer je med drugim pojasnjena in poudarjena razlika med forenzičnim računovodjo in revizorjem. Nadalje je poudarek na možnostih izobraževanja s področja forenzičnega računovodstva v ZDA in Sloveniji, pri čemer smo izvedli tudi primerjalno analizo edinega slovenskega študijskega programa forenzičnega računovodstva, ki se izvaja na Visoki šoli za računovodstvo, in ameriškega modela, ki je bil narejen na Univerzi West Virginia v ZDA. Kljub temu, da v ZDA obstaja okoli 420 izobraževalnih institucij, ki ponujajo vsebine s področja forenzičnega računovodstva ter 96 specializiranih študijskih programov forenzičnega računovodstva, smo ugotovili, da je slovenski (magistrski) študijski program ustrezno in kakovostno zasnovan. ; In the world and as well in our country, there seems to be an increase of new and sophisticated forms of economic crime, that also contain elements from the field of accounting. Especially in the USA, as an answer to these issues, for some time now, appears forensic accounting, while in Slovenia this field is relatively new and not yet established. It is a specialized branch of accounting which aim is primarily to prevent, detect and prove the financial crimes and investigate business reliability of individuals or organizations. In the thesis we presented in detail the field of forensic accounting and various forms of its operation, whereby it is essential to understand the practical value of this activity in detecting and investigating economic and financial crimes. We analyzed many aspects of forensic accounting, from methodology to human resource perspective, where among other things, the difference between forensic accountant and auditor is explained and emphasized. Furthermore, the emphasis was on identifying the learning opportunities in the field of forensic accounting in the USA and Slovenia. In doing so, we also performed a comparative analysis of the only Slovenian study program of forensic accounting, which is carried out at the College of accounting and the US model, which was produced at the University of West Virginia in the USA. Despite the fact, that in the USA, there are about 420 educational institutions offering contents in the field of forensic accounting and 96 specialized study programs of forensic accounting, we can say that the Slovenian (MA) study program is designed in an adequate and high-quality manner.

Sub-Saharan Africa is a very diverse region with extensive natural wealth, great human potential, and a rich history. However, the majority of its countries are among the poorest in the world and about half of its 800 million inhabitants live in extreme poverty. Sub-Saharan Africa produces only 1.5% of the world's GDP and its share in world trade has fallen from 6% in 1980 to 2% today. The region's exports remain dominated by primary goods (fuels, ores, and agricultural products). The roots of the region's economic weakness lie variously in the past colonial relationships with European countries and in unjust global trade patterns as well as in misuse of power by ruling political elites in the post-independence era. Numerous civil wars and other conflicts have fragmented the sub-Saharan countries into many factions and parties fighting for domination. The region is lagging behind developed countries because of corruption, lack of infrastructure, weakness of its institutions, heavy indebtedness, lack of education and health services, and unfavorable natural conditions, among other factors. Subsistence agriculture is the source of livelihood for most Africans. Nevertheless, average yields per hectare are low and heavily dependent on climatic conditions. Compared to urban areas (except for slums), people living in rural areas have worse infrastructure and are further from achieving the UN's Millennium Development Goals. The recent increase in food prices is threatening the limited progress in reducing hunger and malnutrition (28% of children under age five are underweight and particularly vulnerable to infectious diseases). Little progress has been made in reducing child and maternal mortality; mortality rates remain the highest in the world. In the previous decade, life expectancy in sub-Saharan countries has fallen due to the spread of HIV/AIDS and it still remains below fifty. In addition, many negative socioeconomic effects are the result of malaria, which kills approximately one million people every year, 91% of whom live in sub-Saharan Africa. In order to promote gender equality and empower women, education is of vital importance. Compared to other (especially developed) regions, school enrollment rates are considerably lower and dropout rates considerably higher, particularly for girls. The majority of countries in subSaharan Africa will not be able to achieve their educational goals by 2015. Despite the fact that the region is not exceeding the carrying capacities of its environment (as measured by its ecological footprint), environmental problems in some areas are severe. Deforestation, desertification, coral bleaching, negative effects of climate changes (sea level rise, reduced freshwater availability, extreme weather events, etc.), loss of biodiversity, and soil degradation are the most worrying. Population growth is exacerbating these environmental problems and is making it more difficult to achieve a higher standard of living for all. Owing to the complexity of developmental problems, sub-Saharan Africa will have to use its own resources very wisely and make the most of development aid from developed countries.

Raziskovalno delo se ukvarja z analizo financiranja lokalnih samouprav v Sloveniji in Makedoniji ter njihovo primerjavo. Sistem financiranja lokalnih samouprav je ključni stabilizacijski dejavnik, ki je bistvenega pomena za zagotavljanje učinkovitega sodelovanja državnega in zasebnega sektorja v zvezi z zagotavljanjem nujno potrebnih sredstev državljanom. Bistvenega pomena so lokalne javne dobrine in javne storitve. Sodobna lokalna samouprava bi morala zagotavljati javne službe, kot so oskrba z vodo, elektriko, plinom, telekomunikacijami, zdravstvom, šolstvom, javni prevozi, odvoz smeti ter zagotavljati nadzor in vpliv na te javne službe. Zagotavljala naj bi tudi zdravstvene prostore, stanovanja, predšolske ustanove, osnovne šole, domove za starostnike itd. Da bi lokalne oblasti zadovoljile povpraševanje in želje njihovih občanov, iščejo nove vire financiranja. V raziskovalnem delu smo analizirali lokalne samouprave, njihove prihodke in odhodke, strukturo in vire. Lokalne samouprave v Sloveniji in Makedoniji smo primerjali tudi z ostalimi članicami Evropske unije in na podlagi analize in smo ugotovili, da je Slovenija na področju sistema financiranja lokalne samouprave primerljivejša z članicami Evropske unije kot Makedonija. Na podlagi analize smo ugotovili tudi, ali so lokalne samouprave v obeh državah ustrezno in zadostno financirane. V skladu s predvidenimi pričakovanji je bilo ugotovljeno, da je v obeh državah zelo pomemben vir financiranja obveznih lokalnih nalog občine proračun države. To pomeni, da imajo lokalne samouprave premalo sredstev oziroma, da niso finančno samostojne, saj obseg primerne porabe občin ni skladen z njihovimi lastnimi prihodki. Posledično so potrebne finančne izravnave, ki jih lokalne samouprave prejemajo iz proračuna države. ; The research work deals with the analysis of the financing of local self-governments in Slovenia and Macedonia and their comparison. The system of financing local self-governments is a key stabilizing factor, which is essential for ensuring effective cooperation between the state and the private sector in terms of providing essential resources to citizens. Local public goods and public services are of paramount importance. Modern local self-government should provide public services such as water supply, electricity, public transport, garbage collection, gas, telecommunications, health, education and others, and to ensure control and influence on these public services. It should also provide health facilities, housing, pre-school institutions, primary schools, homes for the elderly, etc. In order for local authorities to meet the demand and wishes of their citizens, they are looking for new sources of financing. In the research paper we analyzed local governments, their revenues and expenditures, their structure and resources. We also compared the local self-governments in Slovenia and Macedonia with other members of the European Union and on the basis of our analysis, and found that Slovenia is more comparable with the members of the European Union, such as Macedonia, in the field of local government funding. Based on the analysis, we also found out whether local governments are adequately and sufficiently financed in both countries. In accordance with the anticipated expectations, it was found that a very important source of financing of mandatory tasks of local municipalities was the state budget, in both countries, which means that the local self-government are not financially independent. The extent of adequate spending by municipalities is not in line with their own revenues, which requires financial balancing that municipalities receive from the state budget.

Raziskovalno delo se ukvarja s problemom neobjektivnosti ter vse večjega števila napak, ki jih delajo bonitetne agencije. Še posebej pozorni bomo na tri največje agencije na svetu, to so: S&P, Moody's ter Fitch, ki skupaj zavzemajo več kot 95% celotnega bonitetnega trga. Podrobneje si bomo ogledali pretekle finančne/gospodarske krize in napačno vrednotenje ameriških propadlih koncernov. Napačne bonitetne ocene, ki so prenizke ali previsoke, imajo velik vpliv na določene, za državo zelo pomembne, parametre. Višjo bonitetno oceno kot dobi država, po nižjih stroški se bo lahko zadolževala in obratno. Do neobjektivnosti pri vrednotenju pride iz večih razlogov. Najpogostejši razlog je profitni motiv agencij, ki privede do konflikta interesov. Agencije v veliki večini poslujejo po poslovnem modelu "izdajatelj plača", kar pomeni, da je naročnik in plačnik ocene, izdajatelj vrednostnega papirja. Ker agencije plača nekdo, kogar morajo objektivno oceniti, prihaja do konflikta interesov, saj so v osnovi agencije profitne institucije, ki poslujejo z enormno visokimi dobički. Problem se nahaja tudi v skoncentriranosti agencij na območju Združenih držav Amerike in zelo omejenem številu agencij, kar priča o oligopliji ter pomanjkanju konkurence. V zgodovini se je pojavilo veliko primerov, v katerih so bonitetne agencije storile hude napake in te napake so nosile posledice. Ugotovimo pa lahko tudi, da agencije niso znale niti pravočasno predvideti prihajajočih finančnih kriz in pred njimi posvariti. ; This research work deals with the problem of the lack of objectivity and a growing number of errors made by the credit rating agencies. Particular attention will be given to the three largest agencies in the world, namely: S&P, Moody's and Fitch, which together occupy more than 95% of the total credit market share. We will analyse this against several practical examples of past financial crises as well as defaulting of major US corporations such as Enron, Lehman Brothers, AIG and others. Misratings, whether too low or too high, have a significant impact on certain important parameters of a given country. The higher the rating a country gets, the lower its cost of borrowing will be, and vice versa. The lack of objectivity in the evaluation process occurs for several reasons. Most commonly, the reason is the profit motive of the agencies, which leads to a conflict of interest. Agencies in the vast majority operate on a business model following the "issuer pays" principle, which means that the client and payer of the ratings is the issuer of the security. Since the agencies get paid by someone whom they should objectively evaluate, this creates a conflict of interests, given the fact that they are essentially profitable institutions with enormously high earnings. Additional problem lies in the high concentration of agencies in the territory of the United States as well as in the limited number of operating agencies on a whole, reflecting the oligopoly of the markert and a severe lack of competition. There are a lot of historical examples in which credit rating agencies committed serious errors which carried consequences. We can also conclude, that the agencies have failed to accuretely anticipate and warn of the upcoming financial crises.

Cilj magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, ali je skupna zunanja in varnostna politika Evropske unije primeren okvir za izvajanje mirovnih operacij. V prvem sklopu sem preučil pogodbeni razvoj, institucionalni okvir ter glavni strateški dokument SVOP. V drugem sklopu sem se osredotočil na same vojaške operacije SVOP, v okviru katerega sem preučil zgodovino in razvoj operacij, vpliv vojaških operacij na podobo EU kot varnostnega akterja ter način planiranja in financiranja vojaških operacij. Na koncu drugega sklopa sem izpostavil tudi ključne izzive, ki se pojavljajo pri vzpostavljanju in izvajanju mirovnih operacij v sklopu SVOP. V tretjem sklopu sem se osredotočil na operacijo EUFOR Althea. V začetku sklopa na kratko opišem zgodovino samega konflikta in predstavim grožnje varnosti in stabilnosti Bosne in Hercegovine, nato pa se osredotočim na samo operacijo in opišem njen mandat, proces planiranja, obseg sil in njihovo organizacijo ter naloge, ki jih izvajajo. Tudi v tem sklopu na koncu izpostavim pomanjkljivosti in kritike, ki so se pojavile skozi obdobje izvajanja operacije. Pri analizi operacije Althea sem ugotovil, da se le-ta giblje med delno uspešno in uspešno. Pri primernosti SZVP za izvajanje mirovnih operacij sem ugotovil, da ima ta za izvajanje res širokega spektra mirovnih operacij kar nekaj pomanjkljivosti. Ker sta SZVP in z njo SVOP medvladne narave, je opaziti, da se področja, ki so v pristojnosti samih institucij EU, razvijajo hitreje od področij, na katerih imajo večjo prisotnost same države članice. Moja glavna ugotovitev je, da je SZVP primerna predvsem za izvajanje manjših in manj intenzivnih mirovnih operacij. ; The aim of the master's thesis is to determine whether the common foreign and security policy of the European Union is an appropriate framework for the launching of peacekeeping operations. The first content set analyses the contractual development, institutional framework, and the main strategic document of CSDP. In the second set, I focus on the CSDP military operations. In this context, I examine the history and development of operations, the impact of military operations on the image of the EU as a security actor, and the way in which military operations are planned and financed. At the end of the second set, I also point out the key challenges that arise in the establishment and implementation of CSDP peacekeeping operations. In the third set, I focus on the EUFOR Althea operation. At the beginning of this final set, I briefly describe the history of the conflict and the threats to security and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina, followed by the focus on the operation itself—its mandate, planning process, force and organization as well as the tasks carried out. Furthermore, this section points out the shortcomings and criticisms that arise during the course of operation. Analysing operation Althea, I have found out that it ranges from semi-successful to successful. With regard to the suitability of CFSP for the conduct of peacekeeping operations, I have found that it has quite a few shortcomings for the conduct of a considerably wide array of peacekeeping operations. As CFSP and CSDP are intergovernmental in nature, it can be observed that the areas under the responsibility of the EU institutions are evolving faster than the areas where the majority of the responsibility lies upon the member states. My main finding is that CFSP is particularly suitable for carrying out smaller and less intensive peacekeeping operations.

Nasprotno prevladujoči obravnavi Turčije kot najstarejše kandidatke za članstvo v Evropski uniji (EU) in turški zunanjepolitični strategiji do Zahodnega Balkana, ki predvideva delovanje kot partnerica EU, to delo analizira Turčijo kot neodvisnega zunanjepolitičnega akterja. Na podlagi dveh raziskovalnih vprašanj o normativnih elementih turške zunanjepolitične strategije preverjam hipotezo, da zaradi t. i. plitke evropeizacije na Zahodnem Balkanu po letu 2009 prihaja do večanja turškega normativnega vpliva v tej regiji. Kot kontrolno spremenljivko obravnavam deklaratorni odmik EU od širitve na Zahodni Balkan leta 2014. V teoretskem delu naloge konceptualiziram normativni zunanjepolitični vpliv in izdelam lasten analitični model normativnih elementov zunanjepolitične strategije. Po opisu zgodovinskega konteksta zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU in Turčije na Zahodnem Balkanu v empiričnem delu sledi največji doprinos naloge k znanosti: analiza in interpretacija primarnega dokumenta – zunanjepolitične strategije Turčije (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), za katero sem zagotovil prvi prevod v angleščino. Nato še identificiram in analiziram zunanjepolitične akcije Turčije, pri katerih merim normativni vpliv na družbe, trge in države regije in ga kritično ovrednotim. Ugotavljam, da ni mogoče sklepati na večji normativni vpliv Turčije v regiji zaradi plitke evropeizacije. Normativni vpliv Turčije na države je bil namreč največji med leti 2009–2012, ko je z mediacijo v srbskem delu Sandžaka in vzpostavitvijo tripartitne platforme dosegla željen ugled velike sile iz otomanskih časov. Vendar pa po letu 2013 ta vpliv upade, saj nekatere države regije izražajo večja nasprotovanja turškim zunanjepolitičnim vrednotam ali uporabljenim sredstvom. Normativni vpliv na trge in na družbe regije je sicer konstanten ; prek agencije TIKA, inštituta Yunus Emre, verske institucije Diyanet in TV nadaljevank Turčija promovira svoje družbene vrednote: muslimanska vera, diaspora, patriarhalnost in ugled velike sile. ; Contrary to the dominant consideration of Turkey as the oldest candidate for membership in the European Union (EU) and Turkey's foreign policy strategy towards the Western Balkans, which envisions acting as the EU's partner, this work analyzes Turkey as an independent foreign-policy actor. On the basis of two research questions on the normative elements of the Turkish foreign policy strategy, I am testing a hypothesis that after 2009, due to the shallow Europeanization in the Western Balkans, one observes an increase of the Turkish normative influence in this region. As a control variable, I consider the declaratory withdrawal of the EU from Western Balkans enlargement efforts in 2014. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I conceptualize the normative foreign policy influence and construct my own analytical model of the normative elements of the foreign policy strategy. Following the description of the historical context of the EU and Turkey's foreing policy in the Western Balkans, the empirical part is followed by the biggest contribution of this thesis to science: analysis and interpretation of the primary document - Turkey's foreign policy strategy (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), for which I provided the first translation into English. I then identify and analyze Turkey's foreign policy actions, where I measure the normative influence on societies, markets and countries of the region, and offer its critical evaluation. Findings show that it is not possible to ascertain that shallow Europeanization causes greater normative influence of Turkey in the region. Turkey's normative influence on the countries was the largest between 2009-2012, when, through mediation in the Serbian part of Sandžak and the establishment of a tripartite platform, when the state achieved the desired reputation of a great power from Ottoman times. However, after 2013, this impact declined, as some countries in the region are more likely to oppose Turkey's foreign policy values or application of instruments. The normative impact on the markets and on the societies of the region is constant ; through TIKA Agency, Yunus Emre Institute, religious institution Diyanet and TV series Turkey promotes its social values: Muslim faith, diaspora, patriarchate and reputation of great power.

V sodobni obrambnodiplomatski praksi vse pogosteje zasledimo gostujoče obrambne atašeje. Države so jih začele vpeljevati zaradi pritiskov po racionalizaciji obrambnodiplomatske dejavnosti, ki so se okrepili z začetkom zadnje finančne krize in gospodarske recesije. Z nalogo proučujemo funkcionalnost gostujočih obrambnih atašejev ter njihove prednosti in slabosti v primerjavi z rezidenčnimi diplomati. Posamezne slabosti poizkušamo relativizirati z vidika razvoja sodobnih informacijskih in komunikacijskih tehnologij ter okrepljenega zaupanja in spremenjene miselnosti mednarodnih odnosov, zaradi katerih se spreminjajo tudi naloge in funkcije obrambne diplomacije. Na podlagi mednarodne primerjave oblikujemo priporočila za organizacijo dela in izvajanje diplomatske dejavnosti gostujočih atašejev, med prednostmi pa podrobneje razdelamo njihovo vlogo v funkciji razvoja karierne poti. Slednja bi lahko še posebej koristila državam z omejenim diplomatskim aparatom, ki nimajo vzpostavljenih inštrumentov kadrovske selekcije ter inštitucij za izobraževanje in usposabljanje bodočih diplomatov. Hkrati proučujemo prevladujoče čine v obrambni diplomaciji ter obseg obrambnodiplomatskega delovanja, tako na strani držav pošiljateljic kot držav sprejemnic. Na splošno so čini obrambnih diplomatov bolj kot od značilnosti držav in oboroženih sil odvisni od različnih političnih, gospodarskih in kadrovskih dejavnikov, vključno z načelom recipročnosti, politično propagando, izzivi vojaškega kariernega razvoja ter promocijo vojaško-industrijskega kompleksa. Z vidika držav sprejemnic pa najštevilčnejše obrambnodiplomatske aparate ter diplomate z najvišjimi čini najdemo v vodilnih vojaških in političnih velesilah, s čimer jim države pošiljateljice izkazujejo posebno priznanje, pozornost in čast. Čini obrambnih predstavnikov pri mednarodnih organizacijah pa odražajo predvsem obseg prevzetih obveznosti posamezne države do konkretne mednarodne inštitucije. Kot zanimivost velja izpostaviti še izjemno nizek delež žensk v obrambni diplomaciji. Poglavitne ugotovitve obeh raziskav apliciramo na slovenski obrambnodiplomatski sistem. ; Contemporary defence diplomacy is earmarked by Roving Defence Attachés. Countries started to introduce them under the pressure to rationalize defence diplomacy, culminating in the last financial crisis and economic recession. Master's Thesis examines the functionality of Roving Defence Attachés, and their advantages and disadvantages compared to Resident Defence Attachés. Particular disadvantages are relativized and diminished in the light of modern information and communication technologies, increased mutual trust and mind-set shift in international relations, resulting in changes of tasks and functions of defence diplomacy. Based on international comparative analysis we put forward recommendations for work organization and activities management of Roving Defence Attachés. Among the advantages of Roving Attachés we elaborate in more detail the function of career development. The latter could be especially beneficial for countries with limited diplomatic apparatus, lacking human resource selection tools along with the education and training institutions for future diplomats. At the same time we examine prevailing military ranks in defence diplomacy and the scope of defence diplomacy engagement, from both perspectives of sending and receiving states. The military ranks of defence diplomats depend more political, economic and human resource factors, including reciprocity principle, political propaganda, the challenges of military career development and the promotion of military industrial complex, than the characteristics of states and their armed forces. From the viewpoint of receiving states the largest defence diplomacy corps and the diplomats with the highest military ranks can be found in leading military and political superpowers, as the sending states try to express special recognition, attention and honour to them. The military ranks of defence representatives in international organizations by-and-large reflect the assumed responsibilities of a country towards respective international entity. You may find interesting the extremely low proportion of women in defence diplomacy. Main research findings are applied to Slovenian defence diplomacy system.

Varnost v cestnem prometu je pomemben dejavnik, ki preprečuje ogrožanje ljudi, saj je promet stalnica v našem življenju. Vsakodnevno v prometnih nesrečah ugašajo življenja, posledice nesreč pa so psihološke, finančne in pogosto nepopravljive. Zagotavljanje varnosti v cestnem prometu tako ostaja ena od prednostnih nalog. Odgovornost za varni promet je na plečih vsake države, saj mora ta na nacionalni ravni poskrbeti za varnost svojih prebivalcev. Država zagotavlja varnost na državnih cestah, za občinske ceste pa so odgovorne občine in so na njih po zakonu odgovorne zagotavljati prometno varnost. Ob tem dejstvu se poraja vprašanje, ali niso ravno lokalne skupnosti tiste, ki lahko cestnoprometno varnost zagotavljajo učinkovitejše kot država sama. Smiselno je raziskati, kako lahko lokalna skupnost na svoji ravni zagotavlja prometno varnost na območju skupnosti in kateri so njeni temeljni nosilci. Želeli smo ugotoviti, kakšne pristojnosti imajo občine pri zagotavljanju prometne varnosti glede na zakonodajni okvir in kateri občinski organi so za to pristojni. V empiričnem delu pa smo na primeru Mestne občine Ljubljana z analizo podatkov ugotavljali, kako uspešne so lahko občine pri zagotavljanju varnosti v cestnem prometu. Izvedli smo analizo stanja prometne varnosti v Mestni občini Ljubljana, zagotavljanja varne cestne infrastrukture vsem udeležencem v prometu, izvajanja preventive in prometne vzgoje ter vlogo Mestnega redarstva Mestne občine Ljubljana v izboljšanju prometne varnosti na območju Ljubljane. Analiza je pokazala, da se prometna varnost v Ljubljani izboljšuje, da občina skrbi za urejanje in vzdrževanje občinskih cest in da opravljeno delo s področja preventive v cestnem prometu posebno pozornost posveča najranljivejšim udeležencem v prometu. Ljubljansko Mestno redarstvo igra pomembno vlogo tako pri nadzoru kršitev s področja cestnoprometnih predpisov kot pri izvajanju preventivnih dejavnosti, kateri obseg se povečuje. ; Road traffic safety represents one of the important factors of threats to human, while traffic is a constant in our lives. On daily basis, many lives are lost in traffic accidents ; their consequences are psychological, financial and often irreversible. Ensuring road safety remains one of the priorities in the field of ensuring security. Responsibility for road traffic safety lays in the hand of every country, as it has to ensure safety of their citizens. The state provides safety on state road, on the other hand, safety of municipal road are responsibility of municipalities themselves. Moreover, they are obligated by laws to ensure road safety in municipality. Considering those facts, raises the question of whether local communities are not those, who can assure road safety in more effective way than state itself. It is worthwhile to research, how can local community on their level ensure road traffic safety on their area, as well as which are its basic institutions for ensuring safety. We wanted to define responsibilities of municipalities in ensuring traffic safety in relation of legislative framework and also which authorities have powers for that. In the empirical part, we choose the Municipality of Ljubljana and by analyzing data define how successful can municipalities be in ensuring road safety. We carried out an analysis of traffic safety in the Municipality of Ljubljana, ensuring a safe road infrastructure for all participants in traffic, how affective is the implementation of prevention and traffic education and the role of Municipal wardens in the Municipality of Ljubljana. Analysis has shown, that traffic safety in Ljubljana is improving, that the municipality take care of regulation and maintenance of municipal roads and that implementation of prevention pays special attention to the most vulnerable participants in traffic. Municipal wardens of Municipality of Ljubljana play an important role in exercising control over traffic road offences, as well as in the implementation of prevention activities.

Dogajanje v času komunistične revolucije bistveno vpliva tako na stanje kot tudi na razumevanje sodobne slovenske družbene situacije. V disertaciji avtorica v luči idejnega nasprotja med krščanstvom in komunizmom ter na podlagi konflikta, ki se je obenem razvil v obdobju revolucije, razišče vzroke in podlage za omenjeni vpliv. Avtorica v delu pokaže na temeljno povezanost sodobnega položaja in komunistične revolucije na Slovenskem. Kot pojmovni okvir ter orodje za razumevanje izbere Girardovo mimetično teorijo in teorijo o grešnem kozlu. Girard namreč kulturo opisuje kot mimetični cikel, kjer posameznik posnema drugega (tako se začne že v samem otroštvu, ko otrok posnema starše in s tem postane družbeno bitje). Posnemanje je gonilo vsake družbe. Poleg tega pa posnemanje lahko omogoči tudi uničenje družbe, kulture. Girard vpelje grešnega kozla kot razrešitev konflikta, kjer imata dva subjekta enako željo in se skupaj obrneta proti grešnemu kozlu, ki zanju predstavlja vzrok mimetične krize, in je njegovo žrtvovanje pogoj za ponovno vzpostavitev družbenega reda in socialne varnosti. Ta teo-retični okvir omogoča tudi raziskovanje preteklih družbenih konfliktov, posebej pa tudi njihovih posledic v sodobnosti, vključno z vidiki spravnih procesov ter tranzicijske pra-vičnosti. Zato ga avtorica plodno uporabi pri omenjenem raziskovanju. Kot dve nasprotujoči idejni podlagi avtorica predstavi krščanstvo in komunizem, ki sta že v svojem idejnem temelju diametralno nasprotni, posebej pa ju prikaže preko Girar-dove teorije. Krščanstvo s krističnim pojmovanjem osebne svobode izstopi iz cikličnosti mehanizma grešnega kozla, komunizem pa prav nasprotno temelji na mimetičnosti. Žrt-vena znamenja v Girardovem pojmovanju, ki opravičijo umor grešnega kozla, temeljijo na dejstvih, ki postanejo sprejemljiva za umor, ne glede na (ne)resničnost le-teh. Implementacija Girardove teorije na slovensko situacijo zajema dva ključna vidika. Prvi vidik je žrtvovanje nasprotnikov komunistične revolucije z žrtvenimi znamenji kolabo-racije, nemirov … Omenjeno žrtvovanje omogoči vzpostavitev totalitarnega komunisti-čnega režima v kraljevini Jugoslaviji in s tem tudi na Slovenskem. Komunizem kot tota-litarni režim ne dopušča alternative, človeka uniformira in osami. Obenem vzpostavi totalni nadzor in teror. Krščanstvo po drugi strani človeka opolnomoči z bogopodobnos-tjo in s tem edinstvenostjo, nedotakljivostjo, nezamenljivostjo ter svobodo. Drugi vidik pa zadeva dejstvo, da konflikt iz časa komunistične revolucije še vedno ni razrešen ter je vladavina prava in vzpostavitev demokratične družbe še vedno nedokon-čan projekt. Kljub demokratični državni ureditvi in propadu komunizma kot dolgoroč-nega družbenopolitičnega in ekonomskega sistema avtorica poudari dva izziva sodobne družbe na Slovenskem. Prvi je prisotnost komunistične ideologije v razmišljanju in delovanju posameznikov, drugi izziv pa je nezadostna uveljavitev tranzicijske pravično-sti. Omenjeni vidiki analize temeljijo najprej že v samem idejnem nasprotju in zasnovi tako komunizma kakor tudi krščanstva. Krščanstvo in komunizem sta v svojem temelju različna. Poseben poudarek je na vidikih dojemanja človeka kot svobodnega in razumskega bitja v obeh idejnih okvirih. Komunizem s komunistično revolucijo nastopi proti človeku, proti človekovemu dostojanstvu in proti človekovi svobodi in s tem krščanstvo postavi v obrambno držo. S tem pa tudi Cerkev, ki je kot ene vidnejših institucij komunistična revolucija ni prevzela in obvladovala, postane braniteljica človekovega življenja in človekovih pravic, obenem pa je postavljena nasproti komunistični revoluciji. Krščanstvo in tudi Cerkev se posluži različnih načinov obrambe in upora, ki niso vselej povsem skladni s krščanskim naukom. Metode obrambe so bile: krščanska drža v odnosu do vojne, do sočloveka, do okupatorja in do revolucionarnih sil, fizična obramba, sodelovanje tako z okupacijskimi kakor tudi revolucionarnimi silami, kulturna, medijska in politična udejstvovanja. Kljub temu je revolucionarno nasilje eskaliralo predvsem v zadnjih letih druge svetovne vojne in prvih letih po revoluciji. Situacije, v katere so bili postavljeni posamezniki na Slovenskem, niso bile enoznačne ali enostavne. Ni šlo zgolj za izbiro med revolucionarno ali protirevolucionarno stranjo, temveč so bile okoliščine zaradi okupacijskih sil bolj zapletene. Ljudem je grozilo neodobravanje, preganjanje ali nasilje z vseh strani. Komunistična partija je monopolizirala odpor proti okupacijskim silam. Že zametki kakršnekoli druge neodvisne organizacije upora so bili lahko kaznovani. Nemalo kristjanov je z namenom domoljubnosti ali nezmožnosti izognitve mobilizaciji postalo del osvobodilnega gibanja, ne glede na ideološko podlago gibanja ali organizacije, ki je gibanje organizirala. Cerkev kljub temu ni bila preveč zaželen partner v uporu, o čemer priča tudi Kardeljevo navodilo: "Duhovne v četah vse postreljajte" (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109). Ne zgolj navodilo, tudi načrtno degradiranje duhovnikov z zaporom, priporom, deportacijami in usmrtitvami so priča odnosu komunistične partije do cerkvenih dostojanstvenikov. Revolucionarno nasilje je pustilo neslutene posledice ne zgolj v tedanjem obdobju, temveč tudi za sedanji čas, pri čemer pri avtoričinem raziskovanju teh posledic pomembno vlogo igrajo tudi osebne zgodbe, odgovornost na osebni ter družbeni ravni in medgeneracijski prenos travm, ki onemogočajo pravo tranzicijo iz totalitarnega v demokratični sistem. Tranzicija in tranzicijska pravičnost je torej mehanizem, ki si prizadeva v polnosti izpeljati tranzicijo na osebni in družbeni ravni ter vzpostaviti zaupanje v državne institucije, delovanje državnih struktur. Situacija na Slovenskem sicer nakazuje na nekatere pozitivne učinke tranzicijske pravičnosti, kot sta denacionalizacija in odprtje arhivov. Še vedno pa umanjka uveljavitev pravičnosti na osebni ravni, pri čemer so pomemben vidik spravni procesi ter prekinitev medgeneracijskega prenosa travm. Podobno kot na osebni ravni umanjka pravičnost v javni sferi, na primer pluralizacija medijskega prostora, urejene gospodarske pobude, dialog med različnimi družbenimi skupinami, vključno z vstopanjem verskih skupnosti v javno razpravo, vzpostavljanjem zaupanja v državne institucije ipd. Pogled na komunistično revolucijo na Slovenskem skozi prizmo Girardovega grešnega kozla ponudi edinstven okvir, ki poveže razumevanje komunistične revolucije in komu-nističnega sistema s sodobnim položajem slovenske družbe. Po eni strani Girardov mehanizem grešnega kozla lahko razumemo kot dopolnjenega v komunistični revoluciji, po drugi strani pa mehanizem stremi k dopolnitvi v smislu celovite uveljavitve tran-zicijske pravičnosti. ; The events during the communist revolution significantly influence the state and understanding of the contemporary Slovenian social situation. In the dissertation, in the light of the ideological contradiction between Christianity and Communism, and on the basis of the conflict that developed during the revolution, the author explores the causes and grounds for this influence. In this work the author shows the fundamental connection between the contemporary situation and the communist revolution in Slovenia. She chooses Girard's mimetic theory and scapegoat as a conceptual framework and tool for understanding. Girard describes culture as a mimetic cycle, where the individual imitates the other (this starts from the very childhood, when the child imitates his parents and thus becomes a social being). Imitation is the driving force of every company. In addition, imitation can also become a destruction of society, culture. Girard therefore implements the scapegoat as a conflict resolution where the two entities share the same desire and together turn against the scapegoat, which causes them a mimetic crisis and its sacrifice is a condition for restoring social order and social security. This general theoretical framework also makes it possible – to explore past social conflicts, and in particular their consequences in the present, including aspects of reconciliation processes and transitional justice. Therefore, the author fruitfully uses it in the mentioned research. The author embraces Christianity and communism as two opposing ideological bases, which are already diametrically opposed in their conceptual bases, and are especially illuminated by Girard's theory. Christianity, with its cristian notion of personal freedom, stands out from the cyclical nature of the scapegoat, but communism is, on the contrary, based on mimeticism. Victims of character in Girard's conception that justify the murder of a scapegoat are based on facts that become acceptable for murder, regardless of the (un) reality of them. The implementation of Girard's theory on the Slovenian situation thus encompasses two key aspects. The first aspect is the sacrifice of the opponents of the communist revolution with the sacrificial signs of collaboration, riots, … This sacrifice makes it possible to establish a totalitarian communist regime in Yugoslavia, and thus in Slovenia. Communism, as a totalitarian regime, does not allow an alternative, it uniforms and isolates man. At the same time, it establishes total control and terror. Christianity, on the other hand, empowers man with uniqueness, inviolability, irreplaceability and freedom. Another aspect concerns the fact that the conflict from the communist revolution has still not been resolved, and that the rule of law and the establishment of a democratic society are still, in the eyes of many Slovenians, an unfinished project. Despite the democratic state system and the collapse of communism as a long-term socio-political and economic system, the author emphasizes two challenges of contemporary society in Slovenia. The first is the presence of communist ideology in the thinking and action of individuals, and the second challenge is the insufficient implementation of transitional justice. The aforementioned aspects of the analysis are based first of all on the very conceptual contradiction and conception of both communism and Christianity. Christianity and communism are fundamentally different. Particular emphasis is placed on aspects of the perception of man as a free and rational being in both conceptual frameworks. Communism, by communist revolution, stands against man, against human dignity and against human freedom, thereby placing Christianity in a defensive posture. In doing so, the Church, which as one of the most prominent institutions has not been taken over and controlled by the Communist Revolution, becomes a defender of human life and human rights, while at the same time it stands against the Communist Revolution. Christianity, as well as the Church, uses various methods of defense and rebellion that are not always completely in line with Christian teaching. The methods of defense were the Christian stance in relation to war, to fellow human beings, to the occupier and to the revolutionary forces, physical defense, cooperation with both occupation and revolutionary forces, cultural, media and political activities. Nevertheless, revolutionary violence escalated, especially in the last years of World War II and the first years after the revolution. The situations in which individuals in Slovenia were placed were not straightforward or straightforward. It was not merely a choice between a revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary party, but the circumstances were more complex rather than straightforward because of the occupying forces. People were threatened with disapproval, persecution or violence from all sides. The Communist Party monopolized resistance to the occupation forces. The rudiments of any other, independent organization of resistance could have been punished. Quite a few Christians, for the sake of patriotism or inability to evade mobilization, became part of the liberation movement, regardless of the ideological basis of the movement or the organization that organized the movement. The church was not, however, a much-desired partner in the resistance, as evidenced by Kardelj's instruction: "Shoot the priests in the troops." (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109) Not only the instruction, but also the deliberate degradation of priests through imprisonment, detention, deportation and execution, are witnesses to the Communist Party's attitude towards Church dignitaries. Revolutionary violence has left unprecedented consequences not only in that time but also in the present, with the author's exploration of these consequences also playing a significant role in personal stories, personal and social responsibility, and the intergenerational transmission of traumas that they preclude a real transition from a totalitarian to a democratic system. Transition and transitional justice is thus a mechanism that seeks to fully complete the transition on a personal and social level, and to establish trust in state institutions, the functioning of state structures. Although the situation in Slovenia points to some of the positive effects of transitional justice, such as denationalization, the opening of archives, it still lacks the enforcement of justice on a personal level ; for example, with regard to aspects of media pluralization, orderly economic initiatives, dialogue between different social groups, including the entry of religious communities into public debate, building confidence in state institutions, etc. The view of the communist revolution in Slovenia through the prism of Girard the scapegoat offers a unique framework that connects the understanding of the communist revolution and the communist system with the contemporary position of Slovene society. On the one hand, Girard's mechanism of the scapegoat can be understood as supplemented in the communist revolution, and on the other, the mechanism seeks to supplement in the sense of the full implementation of transitional justice.

V magistrski nalogi smo raziskali uvajanje managementa kakovosti v visokem šolstvu, analizirali smo pristope ter modele zunanjih evalvacij v državah Evropske unije in drugih razvitih državah sveta ter podali splošne podatke o evalvacijah v visokem šolstvu. Raziskali smo procese evalvacij v visokem šolstvu in stanje v Sloveniji. S primerjavo z državami članicami Evropske unije in širše, kjer izvajajo zunanje evalvacije neodvisne institucije (agencije), smo potrdili tezo, da v Sloveniji sistem kakovosti v visokem šolstvu še ni primerljiv z evropskimi modeli. Analizirali smo postopke managementa kakovosti v slovenskem visokošolskem prostoru, kjer že dobro desetletje univerze in njihove članice redno opravljajo samoevalvacije, od leta 2006 pa nacionalni evalvacijski organ izvaja tudi zunanje institucionalne evalvacije. Prikazan je izvirni model notranjih institucionalnih evalvacij na Univerzi v Mariboru. Model je potrjen z raziskavo, ki temelji na praktičnih primerih, ki so podkrepljeni z ustrezno teorijo in izkušnjami iz primerov dobre prakse. Opisani so posamezni segmenti (pričetek evalvacijskega postopka, zahtevana dokumentacija visokoškolskega zavoda, obisk evalvacijske komisije, poročilo o notranji evalvaciji …) kot prispevek k izboljšanju in razvoju managementa kakovosti na Univerzi v Mariboru. Prikazana so spoznanja in rezultati na praktičnem primeru pilotnega projekta notranje institucionalne evalvacije. Podana je utemeljetev vpeljave notranjih institucionalnih evalvacij na Univerzi v Mariboru, ki se bo izjemno pozitivno izkazala ob neodvisni zunanji institucionalni evalvaciji posameznega visokošolskega zavoda. V okviru raziskave smo opravili še anketo med ciljno skupino zaposlenih na Univerzi v Mariboru, ki so doslej že sodelovali pri zunanjih evalvacijah. Rezultati bodo pripomogli k izboljšanju nadaljnjega načrtovanja in izvajanja dejavnosti v okviru notranjih institucionalnih evalvacij na Univerzi v Mariboru. V raziskavi smo potrdili zastavljeno delovno predpostavko, da se bodo s pomočjo modela notranjih institucionalnih evalvacij izboljšali procesi managementa kakovosti članic Univerze v Mariboru. Zato izsledki magistrske naloge predstavljajo pomemben prispevek k izboljševanju stanja kakovosti na članicah Univerze v Mariboru, še posebej na posameznih področjih managementa kakovosti ter celovitega sistema managementa kakovosti. ; This master's thesis examines the introduction of quality management in higher education, analyses different external evaluation models of EU Member States and other developed countries and provides general data on evaluations in higher education. In this paper, evaluation processes in higher education and the situation in Slovenia are examined. By comparing Slovenia with other EU Member States, as well as a few other countries, where external evaluations are conducted by independent institutions (agencies), the conclusion is drawn that quality assurance in Slovene higher education is still lagging behind other European models. We analyzed quality management in Slovenia, where for over a decade universities and their members have been performing regular self-evaluations. In addition, a national evaluation body is conducting external institutional evaluations since 2006. An original model of internal institutional evaluation at the University of Maribor is introduced. It is backed up by research based on practical examples as well as relevant theory and examples of good practice. Particular elements (initiation of the evaluation process, required documentation, visit of the evaluation committee, internal evaluation report, etc.) are described in order to contribute to the improvement and development of quality management at the University of Maribor. Findings and results of a practical pilot project are presented. In addition, reasons for introducing internal institutional evaluations at the university are given, one of them being that such evaluations will prove extremely useful when conducting independent external institutional evaluations of university members. A survey was conducted among the target group consisting of university staff that has already participated in external evaluations. Survey results will contribute to the improved planning and implementation of activities in the context of internal institutional evaluations at the University of Maribor. Our assumption that quality management will improve with the help of the introduced internal evaluation model was correct. For this reason, the findings of this thesis represent a valuable contribution to quality assurance at the University of Maribor and its members, especially in certain areas of quality management and in terms of a comprehensive system of quality management.