Si la mort individuelle et collective peut être représentée, les réflexions restent plus rares en ce qui concerne le devenir des institutions permettant à une société de durer et de fournir du sens aux individus qui la composent. C'est pourtant en envisageant la mort possible des institutions qu'une société est capable de s'adapter en créant d'autres institutions. La mort, en tant que caducité de certaines formes de vie collective, est alors nécessaire pour qu'une société s'imagine un avenir. Il faut pour cela qu'elle soit capable de se donner des limites et ne pas verser dans la démesure. Selon Castoriadis, l'acceptation de la mort est l'une des caractéristiques d'un mouvement d'autoréflexion de la société sur ses propres limites.
Norms guide multi-agent systems away from being potentially anarchic towards a coordinated and collaborative society. Institutions provide an explicit, external representation of norms as well as the means to detect violations and other conditions. Each institution can be crafted individually to capture their designers' goals, but this creates a challenge at higher levels of authority in guiding the institutional design to be coordinated with other institutions and not imposing unacceptable limits on agents' rights. We propose to use institutions to govern and to revise institutions, following a principle widely encountered in the social world, where treaties, primary legislation, framework agreements and subsidiarity establish a regulatory space by defining norms on the form of a body of regulation. We set out a formal and computational framework, building on the InstAL model and implementation, to construct tiers of institutions, where the norms at each tier are governed by those at the tier above. Thus, agents' behaviour is governed and monitored by a tier-1 institution, whose norms are governed and monitored by a tier-2 institution, etc. This allows us to check the compliance of an institution with the tier above. Compliance failure generates the necessary negative examples for automatic norm-revision.
This paper shows how both Jacques Derrida and Zhuangzi use their respective ways of subverting philosophical systems, by and large through language systems, to arrive at an (implicit or explicit) subversion of political power or political systems or institutions. Political institutions are presented as including more general institutions such as the media, press, and academic and other kinds of institutions that influence the way our societies function, the way we live, work, and think. The paper first highlights the similarities and differences in the application of subversive techniques in Derrida and Zhuangzi as they battle against their respective opponents. After that it shows how their subversion of philosophical systems and language flows over into the subversion of political systems. The hope or goal of subversion or critique is often understood to be not only overthrowing the old system, but replacing it with a better one, even when the change or overthrow comes from within the system itself. But this paper aims to show that both Derrida and Zhuangzi, although in very different contexts, also seem to subvert that hope, and that they may or may not offer some kind of way out of this conundrum.
This paper attempts to conceptualize the institution as a determinant of economic activity of societies and to define the sources of institutional change in modern economy. The analysis of institutions and their role in the economic activity, on the level of particular entities and markets or in the macroeconomic scale, seems to be the most productive area of research in the 21st century. A cohesive institutional system is a prerequisite of economic change in less-developed countries and a determinant of sustainable development in other economies. Institutions are believed to be the cause of economic failure of many countries. Thus, to create a favourable environment for economic progress, it is necessary to adopt adequate, country-specific formal instruments. Despite the intensity of research, the essence of the institution and the character of its change still remain a matter of dispute. The diversity of institutions and their impact make them difficult to measure. There are no perfect indicators of institution status or quality. The lack of fully adequate indicators of the quality of institutions and institutional environment makes it difficult to verify empirically the research on the influence of institutions on the dynamics of economy and its particular elements. ; gruszew@uwb.edu.pl ; University of Bialystok ; Aoki M., Endogenizing institutions and institutional changes, "Journal of Institutional Economics" 2007, Vol. 3, Iss. 1 ; Bal-Woźniak T., Innowacyjność w ujęciu podmiotowym. Uwarunkowania instytucjonalne, PWE, Warszawa 2012 ; Berk G., Galvan D., How people experience and change institutions: a field guide to creative syncretism, "Theory and Society" 2009, Vol. 38, Iss. 6 ; Beyond Institutions, IDPM, University of Manchester, 2010; http://www.ippg.org.uk/8933_Beyond%20Institutions.final%20(1).pdf [accessed: 12.12.2018] ; Brzeziński M., Gorynia M., Hockuba Z., Ekonomia a inne nauki społeczne na początku XXI w. Między imperializmem a kooperacją, "Ekonomista" 2008, nr 2 ; Buchanan J., Heesang Chai D., Deakin S., Empirical analysis of legal institutions and institutional change: multiple-methods approaches and their application to corporate governance research, "Journal of Institutional Economics", 2014, Vol.10, Iss.1 ; Gruszewska E., Instytucje a proces tworzenia kapitału w Polsce, UwB, Białystok 2013 ; Gruszewska E., Transformacja instytucji nieformalnych w Polsce, "Gospodarka Narodowa" 2012, nr 3 ; Hodgson G.M., From Pleasure Machines to Moral Communities: An Evolutionary Economics without Homo Economicus, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, London 2012 ; Hodgson G.M., On fuzzy frontiers and fragmented foundations: Some reflections on the original and new institutional economics, "Journal of Institutional Economics" 2014, Vol. 10, Iss. 4 ; Hodgson G.M., The Approach of Institutional Economics, "Journal of Economic Literature", 1998, Vol. 36, Iss. 1 ; Hodgson G.M., What are Institutions?, "Journal of Economic Issues" 2006, Vol. 90, No. 1 ; Kirdina S., Prospects of Liberalization for S&T Policies in Russia: Institutional Analysis, "Sociology of Science and Technology" 2010, Vol. 1, No. 2 ; Kirdina S.G., Fundamental Difference in the Transformation Process between Russia and East European Countries, "Berliner Osteuropa Info" 2001, h. 16 ; Kołodko G.W., Wędrujący świat, Prószyński i S-ka, Warszawa 2009 ; Lubell M., Mewhirter J.M.,Berardo R., Scholz J.T., Transaction Costs and the Perceived Effectiveness of Complex Institutional Systems, "Public Administration Review" 2017, Vol. 77, Iss. 5 ; Miłaszewicz D., Jakość instytucji a wzrost gospodarczy, Studia i Prace Wydziału Nauk Ekonomicznych i Zarządzania nr 19, Uniwersytet Szczeciński, Szczecin 2011 ; North D.C., Institutions, institutional change and economic performance, Cambridge Univ. Press, New York 2009 (1990) ; North D.C., Understanding the Process of Economic Change, Forum Series on the Role of Institutions in Promoting Economic Growth, Washington 24.06.2003 ; North D.C., Understanding the Process of Economic Change, Princeton University Press, Princeton, Oxford 2005 ; Pańków W., Instytucje i organizacje. Pochodzenie. Powstawanie. Funkcje. Przekształcenia, Poltext, Warszawa 2014 ; Parto S., Economic Activity and Institutions: Taking Stock, "Journal of Economic Issues" 2005, Vol. 39, No. 1 ; Persson K.G., An Economic History of Europe. Knowledge, institutions and growth, 600 to the present, Cambridge Univ.Press, New York 2010 ; Rapacki R., Próchniak M., Wzrost gospodarczy w krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej na tle wybranych krajów wschodzących, "Ekonomista" 2012 nr 1-2 ; Ratajczak M., Posłowie, [w:] Zrozumieć kapitalizm. Podejście ewolucjonistyczno-instytucjonalne, red. A.Ząbkowicz, M.Miszewski, P.Chmielnicki, S.Czech, Forum Myśli Instytucjonalnej, Sosnowiec-Kraków 2018 ; Rodrik D., One Economics, Many Recipes: Globalization, Institutions, and Economic Growth, Princeton University Press, Princeton, Oxford 2007 ; Staniek Z., Ekonomia instytucjonalna. Dlaczego instytucje sa ważne, Difin, Warszawa 2017 ; Stankiewicz W., Ekonomika instytucjonalna, Narodziny i rozwój, Wyd. BBS, PWSBiA, Warszawa 2004 ; Veblen T., The Theory of the Leisure Class. An Economic Study of Institutions, MacMillan Company, New York 1922 (1899) http://lf-oll.s3.amazonaws.com/titles/1657/1291_Bk.pdf ; Voigt S., How (Not) to Measure Institutions, "Journal of Institutional Economics" 2013, Vol. 9, Iss. 1 ; Wätzold F., Explaining differences in EMAS participation rates across Europe: the importance of institutions, incomplete information and path dependence, "European Journal of Law and Economics" 2009, Vol. 28, No. 1 ; Williamson O.E., The New Institutional Economics: Taking Stock, Looking Ahead, "Journal of Economic Literature" 2000, Vol. 38, No. 3 ; Ząbkowicz A., Transformacja ładu instytucjonalnego. Samoregulująca się gospodarka z perspektywy Waltera Euckena i Karla Polanyi'ego, [w:] Ład gospodarczy a współczesna ekonomia, (red.), P. Pysz, A. Grabska, M. Moszyński, Warszawa 2014 ; Zielenkiewicz M., Institutional Environment in the Context of Development of Sustainable Society in the European Union Countries, "Equilibrium. 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In: Guala , F & Hindriks , F 2020 , Institutions and Functions . in T Andina & P Bojanic (eds) , Institutions in Action : The Nature and the Role of Institutions in the Real World . Studies in the Philosophy of Sociality , Springer , pp. 9-19 . https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-32618-0_2
What is an institution? And what distinguishes one type of institution from another? We answer these questions using a functionalist approach: types of institutions are identified by their function, or the coordination problems they solve; token institutions are specific solutions to these problems, or equilibria of strategic games. The functionalist approach provides some insights into the limits of reform, or the extent to which institutions – like marriage, property, or democracy – can be modified without turning them into entities of a different kind.
Institutions of autonomy in ethnically heterogeneous states have been conceived as a compromise between a desire to safeguard state unity and to partially accommodate the grievances of ethnolinguistic minorities. However, in practice, the institutions of autonomy often turn into a nucleus of a proto state of the ethno-linguistic minority. Instead of resolving the minority issue and stabilising the central state, they strengthen the local nationalism and secessionism, acting as centrifugal forces, or "subversive institutions". Recently these processes have been noticed in several ethnically heterogeneous, developed Western democracies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse whether, and how, the institutions of autonomy influence the rise of peripheral nationalism and secessionism.
Ova konferencija postavlja osnovu razmatranja teorije moći i teorije delanja, kako za bioetička razmatranja tako i za ona na poljima analize diskursa i narativnosti, o kojima će biti reč na naredim konferencijama (Darmstadt, Banja Luka), organizovanim u okviru projekta Biopolitički aspekti institucionalnog delanja (DAAD).
This paper introduces the notion of surprising institutions. Because we often carry incorrect beliefs about the world surrounding us and we are therefore often mistaken about the nature of the institutional structure facing us. The story told in this paper shows that an institution may come as a surprise, even though its origins lies some 500 years back, and that the information we receive as feedback on our actions does not necessarily improve our understanding of the institutional structure. It turns out that it is possible for an "ordinary citizen" to win a case against a multinational corporation, and against a government agency with more than 350 years on its neck (what a surprise!) but it also transpires that even if you win, you lose (not quite a surprise).
Title varies. ; Report year irregular. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Subagency varies. Vols. for 1975-1978 Penal Subcommittee. ; Merged with: Report of the Subcommittee on Charitable Institutions ., and Report of the Educational Committee ., to become Report.
This thesis studies the link between institutions, gender and politics. Three questions are studied: can institutions undo gender norms? Would institutions be more gender-egalitarian if they were headed by women? Why are women absent from positions of power?The first chapter of this thesis tests whether institutions can undo gender. In particular, we study the consequences of institutions on the perpetuation of gender norms. We study the norm according to which a woman should earn less than her husband. Using the German division as a natural experiment, we show that East German institutions have undone gender. East German women can earn more than their husband without increasing their number of housework hours, put their marriage at risk, or withdraw from the labor market. By contrast, the norm of higher male income and its consequences are still prevalent in the West.The second chapter studies whether institutions would be more gender-egalitarian if more women were heading them. In particular, I test whether female politicians have the same priorities than their male counterparts. The context studied is the French Parliament from 2001 to 2017. Using text analysis and quasi-experimental variations to randomize legislators' gender, this chapter shows that women are twice more likely to initiate women-related amendments in the Lower House. Women's issues constitute the key topic on which women are more active, followed by health and childhood issues whereas men are more active on military issues. I provide supporting evidence that these results are driven by the individual interest of legislators. Finally, I replicate these results in the Upper House by exploiting the introduction of a gender quota.The third chapter studies the reasons behind the underrepresentation of women in positions of power. I investigate whether the persistence of incumbents hinders female access to political positions when incumbents are predominantly men. I exploit regression discontinuity from close electoral races in French ...
This thesis studies the link between institutions, gender and politics. Three questions are studied: can institutions undo gender norms? Would institutions be more gender-egalitarian if they were headed by women? Why are women absent from positions of power?The first chapter of this thesis tests whether institutions can undo gender. In particular, we study the consequences of institutions on the perpetuation of gender norms. We study the norm according to which a woman should earn less than her husband. Using the German division as a natural experiment, we show that East German institutions have undone gender. East German women can earn more than their husband without increasing their number of housework hours, put their marriage at risk, or withdraw from the labor market. By contrast, the norm of higher male income and its consequences are still prevalent in the West.The second chapter studies whether institutions would be more gender-egalitarian if more women were heading them. In particular, I test whether female politicians have the same priorities than their male counterparts. The context studied is the French Parliament from 2001 to 2017. Using text analysis and quasi-experimental variations to randomize legislators' gender, this chapter shows that women are twice more likely to initiate women-related amendments in the Lower House. Women's issues constitute the key topic on which women are more active, followed by health and childhood issues whereas men are more active on military issues. I provide supporting evidence that these results are driven by the individual interest of legislators. Finally, I replicate these results in the Upper House by exploiting the introduction of a gender quota.The third chapter studies the reasons behind the underrepresentation of women in positions of power. I investigate whether the persistence of incumbents hinders female access to political positions when incumbents are predominantly men. I exploit regression discontinuity from close electoral races in French ...
This paper discusses the nature of sustainability and the institutional arrangements that can help or hinder the pursuit of a future society that is both ecologically sustainable and humanly desirable. All collective efforts are mediated through institutions, and without institutional change we will not move purposefully toward sustainability. Although there has been much policy development under the banner of 'ecologically sustainable development' (ESD) in recent years in Australia, institutional change remains at the margins of public policy and administration. The paper considers how this situation can be rectified. The characteristics of ESD problems are discussed, such as spatial and temporal scale, complexity and uncertainty, and the need for community participation. The paper then uses an 'adaptive' approach to frame the requirements of institutions for sustainability, suggesting the core principles of persistence, purposefulness, information-richness, inclusiveness and flexibility. The strengths and limits of some current arrangements are assessed, and then particular attention is given to a selection of current institutional arrangements that fulfil at least some of the requirements for an adaptive approach. Finally, suggestions are given for institutional reforms to establish ESD as a policy field that enjoys parity with other, at present more influential and well-supported fields. Specific recommendations include: • A wide ranging legislative review to recommend changes to laws that hinder or do not promote ESD - analagous to the competition policy legislative review; • A National Commission or Council for ESD to promote discussion and cooperative action between the three levels of government, the private sector and community groups; • A Commissioner for ESD or Offices for ESD to ensure implementation of ESD policies in government agencies; • An Australian Institute for ESD to generate new ideas, inform cooperative policy development, develop standards, prepare manuals and run training courses – similar to the role played by the Australian Emergency Management Institute for emergency management; Without institutional change we will not move purposefully toward sustainability. • Long term support for Landcare and similar groups to encourage and support commitment to ESD practices from local communities; • Much increased support for long term ecological research and monitoring; • A Bureau of Ecological Economics together with changes in the mandate and functions of mainstream economic agencies to ensure that alternative economic analyses based on ecological perspectives are taken into account in policy making.
This paper discusses the nature of sustainability and the institutional arrangements that can help or hinder the pursuit of a future society that is both ecologically sustainable and humanly desirable. All collective efforts are mediated through institutions, and without institutional change we will not move purposefully toward sustainability. Although there has been much policy development under the banner of 'ecologically sustainable development' (ESD) in recent years in Australia, institutional change remains at the margins of public policy and administration. The paper considers how this situation can be rectified. The characteristics of ESD problems are discussed, such as spatial and temporal scale, complexity and uncertainty, and the need for community participation. The paper then uses an 'adaptive' approach to frame the requirements of institutions for sustainability, suggesting the core principles of persistence, purposefulness, information-richness, inclusiveness and flexibility. The strengths and limits of some current arrangements are assessed, and then particular attention is given to a selection of current institutional arrangements that fulfil at least some of the requirements for an adaptive approach. Finally, suggestions are given for institutional reforms to establish ESD as a policy field that enjoys parity with other, at present more influential and well-supported fields. Specific recommendations include: • A wide ranging legislative review to recommend changes to laws that hinder or do not promote ESD - analagous to the competition policy legislative review; • A National Commission or Council for ESD to promote discussion and cooperative action between the three levels of government, the private sector and community groups; • A Commissioner for ESD or Offices for ESD to ensure implementation of ESD policies in government agencies; • An Australian Institute for ESD to generate new ideas, inform cooperative policy development, develop standards, prepare manuals and run training courses – similar to the role played by the Australian Emergency Management Institute for emergency management; Without institutional change we will not move purposefully toward sustainability. • Long term support for Landcare and similar groups to encourage and support commitment to ESD practices from local communities; • Much increased support for long term ecological research and monitoring; • A Bureau of Ecological Economics together with changes in the mandate and functions of mainstream economic agencies to ensure that alternative economic analyses based on ecological perspectives are taken into account in policy making. ; Jointly sponsored by: The Australian Conservation Foundation; The Environment Institute of Australia; Land and Water Australia
This thesis studies the link between institutions, gender and politics. Three questions are studied: can institutions undo gender norms? Would institutions be more gender-egalitarian if they were headed by women? Why are women absent from positions of power?The first chapter of this thesis tests whether institutions can undo gender. In particular, we study the consequences of institutions on the perpetuation of gender norms. We study the norm according to which a woman should earn less than her husband. Using the German division as a natural experiment, we show that East German institutions have undone gender. East German women can earn more than their husband without increasing their number of housework hours, put their marriage at risk, or withdraw from the labor market. By contrast, the norm of higher male income and its consequences are still prevalent in the West.The second chapter studies whether institutions would be more gender-egalitarian if more women were heading them. In particular, I test whether female politicians have the same priorities than their male counterparts. The context studied is the French Parliament from 2001 to 2017. Using text analysis and quasi-experimental variations to randomize legislators' gender, this chapter shows that women are twice more likely to initiate women-related amendments in the Lower House. Women's issues constitute the key topic on which women are more active, followed by health and childhood issues whereas men are more active on military issues. I provide supporting evidence that these results are driven by the individual interest of legislators. Finally, I replicate these results in the Upper House by exploiting the introduction of a gender quota.The third chapter studies the reasons behind the underrepresentation of women in positions of power. I investigate whether the persistence of incumbents hinders female access to political positions when incumbents are predominantly men. I exploit regression discontinuity from close electoral races in French municipalities to randomize the eligibility of incumbent mayors for reelection. Despite a context increasingly favorable to the election of women, I find that the persistence of incumbents does not block female access to the position of mayor. I investigate the mechanisms and show that it is more difficult for a woman to replace a female incumbent than a male one. ; Cette thèse vise à étudier le lien entre institutions, genre et politique. Elle cherche à répondre à trois questions: les institutions peuvent-elles défaire les normes de genre ? Les institutions seraient-elles plus égalitaires si elles étaient dirigées par des femmes ? Pourquoi les femmes sont-elles absentes des positions de pouvoir ? Le premier chapitre de cette thèse vise à étudier le rôle des institutions dans la création des normes de genre. La norme étudiée est celle selon laquelle une femme doit gagner moins que son mari. En utilisant, la division de l'Allemagne comme une expérience naturelle, nous montrons que les institutions égalitaires est-allemandes ont défait le genre. Après la réunification, une femme est-allemande peut gagner plus que son mari sans augmenter son nombre d'heures de travail domestique, risquer de divorcer ou de se retirer du marché du travail. A l'opposé, en Allemagne de l'Ouest, ces comportements sont toujours observables.Le deuxième chapitre étudie si les institutions seraient plus égalitaires avec des femmes à leur tête. En particulier, nous cherchons à déterminer si les femmes politiciennes ont les mêmes priorités que leurs collègues masculins. Le contexte étudié est celui du Parlement Français durant la période 2001-2017. En combinant des méthodes d'analyse de texte avec des variations exogènes dans le sexe des politiciens, ce chapitre montre que, relativement à leurs collègues masculins, les femmes politiciennes à l'Assemblée Nationale défendent plus les intérêts des femmes dans la population. Le thème où les différences sexuées d'activité parlementaire sont les plus marquées est précisément celui de l'égalité femmes-hommes, suivi des thématiques liées à l'enfance et à la santé. Les hommes sont plus actifs sur les thématiques militaires. Nous montrons que ces différences proviennent de l'intérêt individuel des législateurs. Enfin, nous répliquons ces résultats au Sénat en exploitant l'introduction d'une réforme qui a imposé la parité.Le troisième chapitre s'intéresse aux raisons derrière la sous-représentation des femmes dans les positions de pouvoir. Il cherche à déterminer si dans un contexte où les politiciens sont majoritairement des hommes, la "prime aux sortants" lors d'élections réduit le nombre de femmes élues. Le contexte étudié est celui des municipalités de moins de 1000 habitants en France. Nous montrons que contrairement à ce qu'on peut s'attendre, lorsque les politiciens ne sont pas éligibles à leur réélection, la part de femmes élus n'augmente pas. C'est parce qu'il est plus difficile pour une femme de remplacer une femme que de remplacer un homme.
This thesis studies the link between institutions, gender and politics. Three questions are studied: can institutions undo gender norms? Would institutions be more gender-egalitarian if they were headed by women? Why are women absent from positions of power?The first chapter of this thesis tests whether institutions can undo gender. In particular, we study the consequences of institutions on the perpetuation of gender norms. We study the norm according to which a woman should earn less than her husband. Using the German division as a natural experiment, we show that East German institutions have undone gender. East German women can earn more than their husband without increasing their number of housework hours, put their marriage at risk, or withdraw from the labor market. By contrast, the norm of higher male income and its consequences are still prevalent in the West.The second chapter studies whether institutions would be more gender-egalitarian if more women were heading them. In particular, I test whether female politicians have the same priorities than their male counterparts. The context studied is the French Parliament from 2001 to 2017. Using text analysis and quasi-experimental variations to randomize legislators' gender, this chapter shows that women are twice more likely to initiate women-related amendments in the Lower House. Women's issues constitute the key topic on which women are more active, followed by health and childhood issues whereas men are more active on military issues. I provide supporting evidence that these results are driven by the individual interest of legislators. Finally, I replicate these results in the Upper House by exploiting the introduction of a gender quota.The third chapter studies the reasons behind the underrepresentation of women in positions of power. I investigate whether the persistence of incumbents hinders female access to political positions when incumbents are predominantly men. I exploit regression discontinuity from close electoral races in French municipalities to randomize the eligibility of incumbent mayors for reelection. Despite a context increasingly favorable to the election of women, I find that the persistence of incumbents does not block female access to the position of mayor. I investigate the mechanisms and show that it is more difficult for a woman to replace a female incumbent than a male one. ; Cette thèse vise à étudier le lien entre institutions, genre et politique. Elle cherche à répondre à trois questions: les institutions peuvent-elles défaire les normes de genre ? Les institutions seraient-elles plus égalitaires si elles étaient dirigées par des femmes ? Pourquoi les femmes sont-elles absentes des positions de pouvoir ? Le premier chapitre de cette thèse vise à étudier le rôle des institutions dans la création des normes de genre. La norme étudiée est celle selon laquelle une femme doit gagner moins que son mari. En utilisant, la division de l'Allemagne comme une expérience naturelle, nous montrons que les institutions égalitaires est-allemandes ont défait le genre. Après la réunification, une femme est-allemande peut gagner plus que son mari sans augmenter son nombre d'heures de travail domestique, risquer de divorcer ou de se retirer du marché du travail. A l'opposé, en Allemagne de l'Ouest, ces comportements sont toujours observables.Le deuxième chapitre étudie si les institutions seraient plus égalitaires avec des femmes à leur tête. En particulier, nous cherchons à déterminer si les femmes politiciennes ont les mêmes priorités que leurs collègues masculins. Le contexte étudié est celui du Parlement Français durant la période 2001-2017. En combinant des méthodes d'analyse de texte avec des variations exogènes dans le sexe des politiciens, ce chapitre montre que, relativement à leurs collègues masculins, les femmes politiciennes à l'Assemblée Nationale défendent plus les intérêts des femmes dans la population. Le thème où les différences sexuées d'activité parlementaire sont les plus marquées est précisément celui de l'égalité femmes-hommes, suivi des thématiques liées à l'enfance et à la santé. Les hommes sont plus actifs sur les thématiques militaires. Nous montrons que ces différences proviennent de l'intérêt individuel des législateurs. Enfin, nous répliquons ces résultats au Sénat en exploitant l'introduction d'une réforme qui a imposé la parité.Le troisième chapitre s'intéresse aux raisons derrière la sous-représentation des femmes dans les positions de pouvoir. Il cherche à déterminer si dans un contexte où les politiciens sont majoritairement des hommes, la "prime aux sortants" lors d'élections réduit le nombre de femmes élues. Le contexte étudié est celui des municipalités de moins de 1000 habitants en France. Nous montrons que contrairement à ce qu'on peut s'attendre, lorsque les politiciens ne sont pas éligibles à leur réélection, la part de femmes élus n'augmente pas. C'est parce qu'il est plus difficile pour une femme de remplacer une femme que de remplacer un homme.