This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).
With the publication of 'The Responsibility of Intellectuals' half a century ago, Noam Chomsky burst onto the US political scene as a leading critic of the war in Vietnam. Privilege, he argues, brings with it the responsibility to tell the truth and expose lies, but our intellectual culture only pays lip-service to this ideal. The essay has been described as 'the single most influential piece of anti-war literature' of the Vietnam War period. Since then, Chomsky has continued to equip a growing international audience with the facts and arguments needed to understand – and change – our world. According to The New York Times, Chomsky 'may be the most widely read American voice on foreign policy on the planet today'. This book revisits 'The Responsibility of Intellectuals' half a century on. It includes six new essays written to celebrate Chomsky's famous intervention and explore its relevance in today's world. Nicholas Allott, Chris Knight, Milan Rai and Neil Smith have studied and written about Chomsky's thought for many years, while Craig Murray and Jackie Walker describe the personal price they have paid for speaking out. The book finishes with Chomsky's recollections of the background to the original publication of his essay, followed by extensive commentary from him on its 50th anniversary.
Philosophers have so far contributed little to these debates on the optimal regulation of ownership of intellectual property (IP). This chapter analyses what contribution philosophy can expect to make. I begin by distinguishing two tasks that philosophy can attempt when it comes to the optimal regulation of IP: first, philosophers can devise a high level regulatory model for IP, explaining how, for example the ontology of ideas makes a difference to how we should regulate them, and what the overall goals are that we should have in an IP policy. Second, philosophers can attempt to make cogent and concrete policy suggestions on the basis of such a high level regulatory model. I argue that it is often extremely difficult to draw cogent and concrete policy proposals from even extremely good moral and political philosophy; and given the paucity of philosophical theorising so far about IP, it would be especially ambitious to expect philosophers now to construct theories which will have concrete and cogent policy implications. Hence this chapter focuses mostly on the first task.
Introduction. The transition of Ukraine to the information society requires a constructive rethinking of the role of intellectual property, which acts as the driving force behind the creation of competitive advantages and the formation of the potential of industrial and economic relations at the national and international levels.In many cases, market relations are not capable of ensuring the transformation of the results of innovation activity into goods. Therefore, in the given conditions, effective state regulation of the commercialization of intellectual property objects becomes the first place.Purpose. The purpose of this work is to study the processes of commercialization of intellectual property and the possibility of adapting foreign experience to the realities of today's Ukraine.Methods. Theoretical analysis and graphical method.Results. In accordance with the main goal in the work the following issues are considered: various scientific approaches to the definition of the concept of "intellectual property" are investigated; considered the main ways of using intellectual property; highlighted and analyzed the main groups of problems of regulation of relations connected with the commercialization of the results of intellectual property; the experience of foreign countries regarding the commercialization of the results of intellectual property was considered, namely, the main problems of this process were identified, possible solutions were proposed and the main toolkit used in the settlement of these problems was identified; The mechanism for the development of solutions based on the problems described in the work will be based and presented in a schematic form.Originality. The experience of commercialization of the results of intellectual activity abroad is generalized. The mechanism of solving the problems of commercialization of the results of intellectual activity is proposed.Conclusions. Thus, we can conclude that any problem of commercialization of intellectual property objects can be solved by finding a compromise between the parties, taking into account the legislative framework operating in the country, the choice of fundamental criteria, the assessment of the effectiveness and risks of a number of proposed options. Every solution proposed for the next implementation must be documented in the enterprise and have a correlation with the main development strategy.
This paper offers a definition of the intellectual covering both professional and moral dimensions: An intellectual is a specialist who creates and communicates symbolised knowledge as means of living, and hopefully intervenes in social and political affairs in the name of universal values, truth and justice. "Symbolised knowledge" is used in the definition to avoid the confusion with other forms of knowledge derived from direct personal experience in production and life. The purpose of using "specialist" as the subject term is to exclude those categories such politicians, soldiers and business people who exercise political, military, financial and other forms of power instead of intellectual power in their social function. This paper argues that there are many roles played by intellectuals, and the social location and function of intellectuals can be fundamentally different in different societies. When production and communication of knowledge are taken as the primary concern of intellectuals, 'the death of the concerned intellectual' becomes an unwarranted anxiety, because there is no reason to believe that knowledge and truth will no longer be pursued and valued by humankind. Political marginalisation of critical intellectuals, where it is a reality, seems to be caused not so much by the lack of power of intellectuals as by the lack of solidarity among intellectuals to fight for a common cause. The problem lies as much in the lack of enthusiasm among intellectuals to transcend the boundaries of their professional relevance and intervene in broad social and political issues, as in institutional structures consuming too much energy and time of the intellectuals and seducing them to give up their social responsibilities for personal career.
I. The physical basis -- II. The moral basis -- III. Of education -- IV. The power of time -- V. The influences of money -- VI. Custom and tradition -- VII. Women and marriage -- VIII. Aristocracy and democracy -- IX. Society and solityde -- X. Intellectua hygienics -- XI. Trades and professions -- XII. Surroundings. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Are intellectual property rights like other property rights? More and more of the world's knowledge and information is under the control of intellectual property owners. What are the justifications for this? What are the implications for power and for justice of allowing this property form to range across social life? Can we look to traditional property theory to supply the answers or do we need a new approach? Intellectual property rights relate to abstract objects – objects like algorithms and DNA sequences. The consequences of creating property rights in such objects are far-reaching. A Philosophy of Intellectual Property argues that lying at the heart of intellectual property are duty-bearing privileges. We should adopt an instrumentalist approach to intellectual property and reject a proprietarian approach – an approach which emphasises the connection between labour and property rights. The analysis draws on the history of intellectual property, legal materials, the work of Grotius, Pufendorf, Locke, Marx and Hegel, as well as economic, sociological and legal theory. The book is designed to be accessible to specialists in a number of fields as well as students. It will interest philosophers, political scientists, economists, and legal scholars, as well as those professionals concerned with policy issues raised by modern technologies and the information society.
In No Logo, Naomi Klein states: "It is not to sponsor culture but to be the culture", referring to world-famous brands that started approaching new and experimental marketing techniques. Yet, as early as 1974, Pierre Bourdieu argued that the discourse on haute couture was already a discourse on haute culture, undoing the exquisitely philosophical prejudice that collocated fashion among small and frivolous things, unworthy of observation. This paper returns to this question through investigating the case of Gucci Aria, which used famous books of philosophy and critical theory as props. Even if this is not a novelty in the fashion world – from Miuccia Prada's "radical chic-ism" to Martin Margiela's deconstruction – what is new is that fashion has found itself having to study and incorporate knowledge that comes from the so-called high culture usually aimed at a niche audience of intellectuals. This is more than the attempt of lifestyle branding to address social and political movements' vindications as part of the social corporate responsibility strategy. What is the purpose behind selling theory itself? How can this exploitation carried out by fashion brands be read as a way of popularizing high culture? Are fashion designers playing at being organic intellectuals and is conspicuous consumption finding its new goal?
Nowadays many city governance bodies struggling to understand the vast array of issues that are coming their way - climate change, global warming, poverty, real estate, education, traffic, resource depletion, etc. And they increasingly face a need for 'new thinking', realizing that governmental decisions have long-term impacts. In addition, effectiveness of cooperation in field of efficient solution transfer becomes important among cities. The aim of the article is to show the concept, features, advantages and opportunities of the intellectual city environment in order to achieve new and qualitative development. To reflect the essence of 'smart city' and 'intellectual city' concepts, authors use literature review and overview. Main research results show that the use of positive synergies strengthens existing urban components and creates new ones. They improve the quality of the processes by developing the economic potential of cities and territories. The governance of the intellectual city is organized by different city management models. Model for strategic development of urban environment can help achieve the effect of synergy. True synergy effect in the intellectual urban environment is a change-oriented system. Authors offer their view of synergy of intelligence in 'intellectual city' in 21st century, which is reflected as an interaction between human and artificial intelligence. That relates with culture, global connectedness, control, investments, technology and innovations. The results show that 'intellectual cities' are built with high intensity support from government. Support is aimed to improve prosperity and life quality of citizens. These are key indicators that reflect opinion of voter about governance in election period.
Testimony issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "Improperly defined intellectual property rights in a government contract can result in the loss of an entity's critical assets or limit the development of applications critical to public health or safety. Conversely, successful contracts can spur economic development, innovation, and growth, and dramatically improve the quality of delivered goods and services. Contracting for intellectual property rights is difficult. The stakes are high, and negotiating positions are frequently ill-defined. Moreover, the concerns raised must be tempered with the understanding that government contracting can be challenging even without the complexities of intellectual property rights. Further, contractors often have reasons for not wanting to contract with the government, including concerns over profitability, capacity, accounting and administrative requirements, and opportunity costs. Within the commercial sector, companies identified a number of specific intellectual property concerns that affected their willingness to contract with the government. These included perceived poor definitions of what technical data is needed by the government, issues with the government's ability to protect proprietary data adequately, and unwillingness on the part of government officials to exercise the flexibilities available concerning intellectual property rights. Some of these concerns were on perception rather than experience, but, according to company officials, they nevertheless influence decisions not to seek contracts or collaborate with federal government entities. Agency officials shared many of these concerns. Poor upfront planning and limited experience/expertise among the federal contracting workforce were cited as impediments. Although agency officials indicated that intellectual property rights problems may have limited access to particular companies, they did not cite specific instances where the agency was unable to acquire needed technology. Agency officials said that improved training and awareness of the flexibility already in place as well as a better definition of data needs on individual contracts would improve the situation."
"With the exception of the last three chapters, the contents of this volume appeared originally in 'The Edinburgh evening news.'"--Pref. ; I. The starting-point: French revolution.--II. Revolution thinkers and their work.--III. The mechanism of the universe.--IV. The constitution of matter.--V. The evolution of theory.--VI. The utilitarian school.--VII. The philosophy of John Stuart Mill.--VIII. Hamilton and Carlyle as philosophers.--IX. Spencer and the evolution philosophy.--X. The German philosophic movement.--XI. Political economy and socialism.--XII. The evolution of literature.--XIII. Burns and the revolution spirit.--XIV. The literature of reaction.--XV. The literature of revolt.--XVI. George Eliot and the evolution spirit.--XVII. The philosophy of Robert Browning.--XVIII. Tennyson and modern thought.--XIX. The evolution of religious thought: Evangelicism.--XX. The Broad church movement.--XXI. Later phases of religious thought. ; Mode of access: Internet.
This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).
The purpose of this paper is to examine the limits of providing access to information for everyone in Denmark compared to the 1999 IFLA Statement on Libraries and Intellectual Freedom. There are several aspects of decrease in the liberty of expression in Denmark within the areas of politics, ethics, laws etc. The cases analysed demonstrate that there are even more problems to consider when trying to fulfil the principles of the IFLA 1999 Statement - a statement meant to be universal but not even fulfilled in an industrialised country like Denmark. From time to time, different issues relating to public libraries and intellectual freedom come to a broader attention of the public. Several of these cases are analyzed due to their controversy with censorship, lack of knowledge and media diversity, and finally decreasing protection of human rights in information seeking behaviour. Investigations of the public debate concerning libraries and information centres in juridical, economical and cultural politics. Also, philosophical considerations in ethics have been conducted. Findings are that it is to a certain extent meaningless to fulfil the IFLA 1999 statement. Considering a declaration, the statement cannot include the many details and complex situations that are covered by it. Avoiding basic principles in the IFLA 1999 statement, however, is contrary to the Bill of Human Rights. In the perspective of the cases analysed, it is clear that we can ascertain a decrease in intellectual freedom in Denmark. In a longer perspective, this is an indication that we should argue more aggressively for the fulfilment of the IFLA 1999 Statement. Most importantly, our study points out ways for future research. The identified issues on the discrepancy between the IFLA 1999 statement and the several aspects of decrease in liberty of expression in Denmark identify paths for improving the limits on providing access to information for everyone – specifically in Denmark and the rest of the world in general. The perspectives of this paper are worth taking into consideration when evaluating the consequences of declaring that intellectual freedom has been obtained.
Drawing from the growing literature on interdisciplinarity and my own experiences as an intellectual hybrid, I discuss the personal and institutional challenges inherent in crossing disciplinary boundaries in the academy. I argue that boundary crossing is a natural occurrence and that the issue of (inter)disciplinarity is a matter of degree and of determining who gets to define the boundaries. Defining boundaries is not merely an intellectual enterprise, but also a political act that delineates what is, or is not, legitimate scholarship. This issue is especially salient to women's and gender studies during times of economic distress and educational budget cuts.