Suchergebnisse

This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes developments on the Croatian television market during the last decade, focusing specially on the changes that have been taking place since 2009 and their effect on the diversity and pluralism of the current television programs. The study presents the data on the structural diversity of the Croatian television market which reached its peak in the second decade of the 21st century, as the processes of privatization and commercialization had been completed. The research includes data and the analysis of the television audience distribution during last several years, showing the major change regarding the position of the public service broadcaster which occurred during that time. Content pluralism and diversity of the television programs were analyzed using the data on the genres structure of the main national broadcasters, one public and two commercial, with the emphasis on the news and current affairs genres as well as the other high social value programs regarded as the content in the public interest. The genres structures and distribution in the overall national television program output were put in the relation to the genres audience ratings, showing the gap between the 'supply' of the programs offering content in the public interest and the audience 'demand' expressed by their total audience share, which could be considered as the guideline for the media policy and regulation. In the conclusion, the potential of the television pluralism and diversity as the possible tool to enhance the democratic functions of the media in Croatia are pointed out, as well as the need for further audience research which would explore complex relation between genres and audience expectations, needs and choices. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes developments on the Croatian television market during the last decade, focusing specially on the changes that have been taking place since 2009 and their effect on the diversity and pluralism of the current television programs. The study presents the data on the structural diversity of the Croatian television market which reached its peak in the second decade of the 21st century, as the processes of privatization and commercialization had been completed. The research includes data and the analysis of the television audience distribution during last several years, showing the major change regarding the position of the public service broadcaster which occurred during that time. Content pluralism and diversity of the television programs were analyzed using the data on the genres structure of the main national broadcasters, one public and two commercial, with the emphasis on the news and current affairs genres as well as the other high social value programs regarded as the content in the public interest. The genres structures and distribution in the overall national television program output were put in the relation to the genres audience ratings, showing the gap between the 'supply' of the programs offering content in the public interest and the audience 'demand' expressed by their total audience share, which could be considered as the guideline for the media policy and regulation. In the conclusion, the potential of the television pluralism and diversity as the possible tool to enhance the democratic functions of the media in Croatia are pointed out, as well as the need for further audience research which would explore complex relation between genres and audience expectations, needs and choices. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes developments on the Croatian television market during the last decade, focusing specially on the changes that have been taking place since 2009 and their effect on the diversity and pluralism of the current television programs. The study presents the data on the structural diversity of the Croatian television market which reached its peak in the second decade of the 21st century, as the processes of privatization and commercialization had been completed. The research includes data and the analysis of the television audience distribution during last several years, showing the major change regarding the position of the public service broadcaster which occurred during that time. Content pluralism and diversity of the television programs were analyzed using the data on the genres structure of the main national broadcasters, one public and two commercial, with the emphasis on the news and current affairs genres as well as the other high social value programs regarded as the content in the public interest. The genres structures and distribution in the overall national television program output were put in the relation to the genres audience ratings, showing the gap between the 'supply' of the programs offering content in the public interest and the audience 'demand' expressed by their total audience share, which could be considered as the guideline for the media policy and regulation. In the conclusion, the potential of the television pluralism and diversity as the possible tool to enhance the democratic functions of the media in Croatia are pointed out, as well as the need for further audience research which would explore complex relation between genres and audience expectations, needs and choices. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati stavove srednjoškolskih učenika, njihovih roditelja i profesora o nekim europskim vrijednostima. Prihvaćenost pojedinih europskih vrijednosti ispitana je s obzirom na spol, dob, vrstu srednje škole koju pohađaju učenici, školsku spremu roditelja, regionalnu i nacionalnu pripadnost ispitanika. Uzorak čini 2143 učenika srednjih škola, 1027 roditelja srednjoškolaca te 181 profesor. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata može se zaključiti da postoji statistički značajna razlika među učenicima s obzirom na regionalnu pripadnost u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti. Najviši stupanj prihvaćanja iskazuju učenici Primorsko-goranske županije, koji se značajno razlikuju u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti od svojih vršnjaka iz Istarske županije. Učenici starije dobi pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti za razliku od mlađih učenika. Isto tako, srednjoškolke pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti u odnosu na svoje muške kolege. Postoji statistički značajna razlika između roditelja muškog i ženskog spola u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrednota u korist muških ispitanika, koji pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrednota od ženskih ispitanika. Na kraju, dobiveni rezultati pokazuju da ne postoji statistički značajna razlika u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti s obzirom na spol, dob i nacionalnu pripadnost profesora srednjih škola. ; The aim of this study was to examine the attitudes of high school students, their parents and teachers towards some European values. The acceptance of certain European values was examined in relation to subjects' gender, age, type of high school, parents' education, regional and national affiliation. The sample comprised 2143 high school students, 1027 high school students' parents and 181 teachers. The results show the statistically significant difference in the degree of acceptance of European values between students of different regional affinity. Students from the Primorsko-goranska county show the highest level of acceptance, which is statistically different from the one obtained in their peer group from Istarska county. The degree of acceptance is higher in the group of older female students in comparison with younger male students. Furthermore, female high school students show higher degree of acceptance then their male peers. There is a statistically significant difference in the acceptance of European values between male and female parents: male parents show higher acceptance of those values in comparison with female parents. Finally, the results showed no statistically significant difference in the degree of acceptance of European values in regard to gender, age and national affiliation of high school teachers. ; Die Untersuchung hatte zum Ziel, die Einstellungen von Mittelschülern, deren Eltern und Lehrern zu einigen europäischen Werten zu überprüfen. Die Akzeptanz einzelner europäischer Werte wurde im Hinblick auf Geschlecht und Alter der Mittelschüler, Art der von ihnen besuchten Mitelschule, Schulausbildung der Eltern, regionale und ethnische Zugehörigkeit der Befragten untersucht. Befragt wurden 2143 Mittelschüler, 1027 Eltern von Mittelschülern und 181 Lehrer. Auf Grund der gewonnenen Ergebnisse kann gefolgert werden, dass der Grad der Akzeptanz europäischer Werte unter den Schülern eine statistisch bedeutende Abweichung im Hinblick auf deren regionale Zugehörigkeit aufweist. Die größte Akzeptanz äußerten die Schüler aus dem Kroatischen Küstenland (Hrvatsko primorje), deren positive Einstellungen sich bedeutend von den Einstellungen ihrer Altersgenossen aus Istrien unterscheiden. Die Schülerinnen höherer Altersstufen äußerten eine höhere Akzeptanz europäischer Werte als die jüngeren Schüler. Gleichermaßen zeigen die Mittelschülerinnen einen höheren Zustimmungsgrad als deren männliche Kollegen. Es gibt einen statistisch bedeutsamen Unterschied zwischen den Eltern männlichen und weiblichen Geschlechts im Hinblick auf deren Akzeptieren von europäischen Werten zugunsten der männlichen Befragten, die einen höheren Grad der Akzeptanz europäischer Werte aufweisen als die weiblichen Befragten. Darüber hinaus lassen die gewonnenen Ergebnisse den Schluss zu, dass es keinen statistisch bedeutenden Unterschied im Grad der Annehmbarkeit europäischer Werte gibt im Hinblick auf Geschlecht, Alter und ethnische Zugehörigkeit der Mittelschullehrer.

Višestruke krizne pojave u jugoslavenskom društvu zahvatile su i međunacionalne odnose i utječu na jačanje »regresivnih nacionalizma«. Polazeći od pretpostavke da jedan oblik »regresivnog nacionalizma« (partikularizam) izaziva reakciju drugog (unitarizam), autor opširno analizira rezultate istraživanja slovenskog javnog mnijenja 1982. godine povodom događaja na Kosovu, kako se ti događaji reflektiraju na etničku distancu u Sloveniji, stavove i informiranost o međunacionalnim odnosima. Oslanjajući se na te rezultate i na opservacije drugih autora o jugoslavenskoj krizi, autor zaključuje da je potrebno jačati netradicionalne mehanizme integracije; reorganizirati zatvorene i neadaptivne ekonomske sisteme bez konkurentskih sposobnosti, provesti složenu operacionalizaciju samoupravnih načela i integracijsku ulogu SK što više razvijati mimo administrativne sile. ; Multi-fold crises in the Yugoslav society have encompassed inter-ethnic relations and they have an impact on the strengthening of »regressive nationalisms«. Starting from the assumption of a form of »regressive nationalism« (particularism) provoking the reaction in the form of another (unitarism), the author attempts a detailed analysis of the results of public opinion survey in Slovenia of 1982 with respect to the events in Kosovo, emphasizing the reflection of those events on the ethnical distance in Slovenia, on attitudes and information with respect to inter-ethnic relations. On the basis of those results and observations of other authors in relation to the Yugoslav crisis, the author concludes that non-traditional mechanisms of integration have to be strengthened; closed and inadaptive economic systems :— having no competitive abilities — have to be reorganized; the complex operationalization of the self-management principles yet has to be implemented and the integrative role of the League of Communists has to be developed exempt from administrative powers.

Tema disertacije je analiza djelovanja putem pravnopolitičkih mehanizama međunarodne zajednice, a prvenstveno misleći Europske ekonomske zajednice (kasnije Europske unije) na sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije u vremenu od 1990. g., tj. od trenutaka prvih znakova početaka krize, pa sve do kraja oružanih sukoba/ratova 1995. g. i potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Upravo vrijeme prvih znakova krize i početaka prvih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije bilo je vrijeme kada je Europska ekonomska zajednica stvarala Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Ujedno jugoslavenska kriza odvijala se paralelno s stvaranja nove ujedinjene Europe koja se našla pred izazovom dokazivanja uloge regionalnog i globalnog igrača u kreiranju svjetske politike, te u dokazivanju mogućnosti samostalnog rješavanja eventualnih sukoba na svom teritoriju bez upliva politike Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Jugoslavenska kriza reflektirana kasnije kroz oružane sukobe i ratove predstavlja je test institucionalnom sistemu dotadašnje i buduće ujedinjene Europe, te je ista bila indikator, smjernica institucijskom razvoju Europske ekonomske zajednice, a uslijed same činenice nemogućnosti implementacija usvojenih politika/odluka kojima bi rješila krizu i spriječila sukobe. Oružani sukobi/ratovi i sama kriza na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije s vremenom je bila u suprotnosti s duhom buduće ujedinjene Europe nakon pada Berlinskog zida, a nemogućnost uporabe rješenja za kraj krize, oružanih sukoba i postizanje mira povlačilo je za sobom i pitanje održivosti takve zajednice. Prekrajanje granica silom od strane lokalnih politika na području bivše Jugoslavije s ciljem osiguranja življenja jednog naroda u jednoj državi bili su u suprotnosti s načelom uti possidetis iuris i vladavinom prava na koje se u stvaranju suvremene Europe nakon II. Svjetskog rata ista pozivala. Upravo kroz navedeno načelo međunarodnog prava, Europska ekonomska zajednica, a i kasnije Europske unija, kao i svi ostali dionici međunarodne ...

Tema disertacije je analiza djelovanja putem pravnopolitičkih mehanizama međunarodne zajednice, a prvenstveno misleći Europske ekonomske zajednice (kasnije Europske unije) na sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije u vremenu od 1990. g., tj. od trenutaka prvih znakova početaka krize, pa sve do kraja oružanih sukoba/ratova 1995. g. i potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Upravo vrijeme prvih znakova krize i početaka prvih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije bilo je vrijeme kada je Europska ekonomska zajednica stvarala Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Ujedno jugoslavenska kriza odvijala se paralelno s stvaranja nove ujedinjene Europe koja se našla pred izazovom dokazivanja uloge regionalnog i globalnog igrača u kreiranju svjetske politike, te u dokazivanju mogućnosti samostalnog rješavanja eventualnih sukoba na svom teritoriju bez upliva politike Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Jugoslavenska kriza reflektirana kasnije kroz oružane sukobe i ratove predstavlja je test institucionalnom sistemu dotadašnje i buduće ujedinjene Europe, te je ista bila indikator, smjernica institucijskom razvoju Europske ekonomske zajednice, a uslijed same činenice nemogućnosti implementacija usvojenih politika/odluka kojima bi rješila krizu i spriječila sukobe. Oružani sukobi/ratovi i sama kriza na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije s vremenom je bila u suprotnosti s duhom buduće ujedinjene Europe nakon pada Berlinskog zida, a nemogućnost uporabe rješenja za kraj krize, oružanih sukoba i postizanje mira povlačilo je za sobom i pitanje održivosti takve zajednice. Prekrajanje granica silom od strane lokalnih politika na području bivše Jugoslavije s ciljem osiguranja življenja jednog naroda u jednoj državi bili su u suprotnosti s načelom uti possidetis iuris i vladavinom prava na koje se u stvaranju suvremene Europe nakon II. Svjetskog rata ista pozivala. Upravo kroz navedeno načelo međunarodnog prava, Europska ekonomska zajednica, a i kasnije Europske unija, kao i svi ostali dionici međunarodne zajednice uključeni u sprječavanju sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije svojim pravnopolitičkim mehanizmima navedeno načelo koje predstavljalo razloge/polazište svih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije nisu znale i mogle zaštiti. Činjenica djelovanja međunarodne zajednice, prvenstveno Europske ekonomske zajednice/Europske unije u skladu s izvorima europskog i međunarodnog javnog prava, te koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme koji su upravo proizlazili iz navedenih izvora, a bez mogućnosti fizičke, stvarne primjene istih prema onima na koje se odnosilo, kao i neaktivnost u angažiranju od početaka sukoba od strane Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, stvarali su subjektivni dojam da ne postoji politička volja oko temeljnih pitanja ključnih za sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira, kao ni volja zaštite međunarodnog prava na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Upravo željom za globalnom dominacijom u novom svjetskom poretku, kao i činjenica dokazivanja Europi da ne može samostalno upravljati i rješavati krize na svom području, Sjedinjene Američke Države preuzele su aktivnu ulogu u rješavanju krize koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme u skladu s odredbama međunarodnog javnog prava, čime su spriječile daljnje sukobe/ratove i postigle mir. Političkom reaktivacijom u odnosu na prostor bivše Jugoslavije, Sjedinjene Američke Države jasno su dokazale svoju političku dominaciju u rješavanju i "upravljanju krizom" na tlu Europe, a ujedno su očuvale svoj i kredibilitet NATO-a i same Europske unije. ; The topic of this dissertation is the analysis of acting through legal and political mechanisms of an international community, namely the actions the European Economic Community (later known as the European Union) had undertaken to prevent conflicts and achieve peace on the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1990 and the first signs of a crisis up to the end of the armed conflicts/wars in 1995 and the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Just when the first signs of the crisis and the first armed conflicts began to appear in the former Yugoslavia, the European Economic Community created the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Also, the Yugoslav crisis took place in parallel with the creation of a new united Europe that faced the challenge of proving to be a regional and global force in the creation of the world policy, as well as proving its ability to independently resolve possible conflicts within its territory without interference from the policy of the United States. The Yugoslav crisis, later manifested in armed conflicts and wars, was a test of the institutional system of the former and future united Europe, a guideline for the institutional development of the European Economic Community, and an indicator of the inability to implement the adopted policies/decisions that would resolve the crisis and prevent conflicts. Armed conflicts/wars and the crisis in the former Yugoslavia were eventually contrary to the spirit of the future united Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the inability to find a solution to end the crisis and armed conflicts, as well as to achieve peace, raised the issue of sustainability of such a community. Redrawing the borders perforce by the local policies in the former Yugoslavia with the aim to ensure the settlement of one nation in one state was contrary to the principle of uti possidetis iuris and the rule of law relied upon by the modern Europe after World War II. The European Economic Community, and later the European Union, as well as all the other members of the international community engaged in conflict prevention and achieving peace in the former Yugoslavia, did not know how to use their legal and political mechanisms to protect the aforesaid principle which represented the reasons/starting point for all the armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The action of the international community, primarily the European Economic Community/European Union in line with the sources of European and international public law, using the legal and political mechanisms stemming from the aforesaid sources, without the possibility of their actual implementation, as well as the USA's decision not to engage in the conflict from the beginning, created a subjective impression that there is no political will to tackle issues crucial for conflict prevention, achieving peace, and protecting international law in the former Yugoslavia. It was the desire for global domination in the new world order and the desire to show Europe the independence in managing and addressing the crises in its territory that enabled the USA to take an active role in addressing the crisis by using legal and political mechanisms in line with international public law provisions, which prevented further conflicts/wars and ensured peace. Political reactivation in the former Yugoslavia enabled the USA to clearly demonstrate its political domination in "crisis management" in Europe, whilst preserving its own credibility as well as the credibility of NATO and the European Union.

Tradicionalna hipoteza životnog ciklusa vjeruje da starenje stanovništva ne samo da smanjuje razinu društvene štednje, već negativno utječe i na gospodarski rast. Međutim, čimbenik ljudskih kapitala može promijeniti mehanizam utjecaja na promjene strukture stanovništva. Ova studija pokušava se usredotočiti na specifičan čimbenik poboljšanja zdravih ljudskih kapitala (HHC), endogenim tretmanom stope plodnosti i stope preživljavanja, s obzirom na očekivanu starosnu dob racionalnog pojedinca, kako bi se, de facto, istražio njegov utjecaj na stopu štednje i gospodarski rast uz primjenu panel podataka među-provincija Kine od 1996. do 2012. godine u cilju provjere inherente logičke veze između brzog poboljšanja HHC-a i modela "visokog rasta s visokim uštedama". Rezultati ovog istraživanja su sljedeći: poboljšanje HHC-a važan je čimbenik koji utječe na povećanje stope štednje i gospodarski rast Kine u odgovarajućem razdoblju. To znači da je poboljšanje HHC-a dovoljno da promijeni mehanizam makro-učinaka demografskih promjena, te stoga pruža ključna sredstva za dugoročnu regulaciju i kontrolu koja su izvan okvira natalitetne politike. Među njima značajnu pozornost zaslužuju promicanje javnog upravljanja zaštitom okoliša, poboljšanje sustava socijalne sigurnosti, jačanje individualnih očekivanja u svezi zdravlja i poticanje očekivanog obrasca starenja stanovništva uz postizanje povezanosti s ulaganjima u obrazovni ljudski kapital. ; The traditional life cycle hypothesis believes that the aging of population will not only drag down the level of social savings, but also adversely affect economic growth. However, the human capital factor may change the influence mechanism of population structure change. This study attempts to focus on a specific factor of improving healthy human capital (HHC), through endogenous treatment of fertility rate and survival rate, considering the aging expectation of rational man, to explore its effect de facto on savings rate and economic growth while using the inter-provincial panel data of China from 1996 to 2012 to verify the inherent logical relationship between the rapid improvement of HHC and the "high savings-high growth" model. The findings of this research are as follows: The improvement of HHC is an important factor to improve China's savings rate and economic growth in corresponding period. It means that the improvement of HHC is enough to alter the mechanism of macro-impact of demographic changes, and therefore constitutes a crucial long-term regulation and control means outside the adjustment of birth policy. Among them, promoting public environmental governance, improving the social security system, strengthening individual expectations for health and driving the expected behavior of aging while achieving linkages with investment in educational human capital are worthy of attention.

The author looks into the Germanic ideas of Central Europe until the end of World War One. First, he reviews different meanings of the term "Central Europe" & its omission or inclusion in encyclopedias & lexicons. Then he goes on to describe the concepts of Central Europe by German & Austrian thinkers, who define it as various ways of political, cultural, & economic organization of the Central European region. The Germanic ideas of Central Europe tried to politically link the divided German ethnos, protect it from the influence of the "decadent" West & create a bulwark towards Russia. The author concludes that the underlying base of the Germanic ideas of Central Europe is German history as a "special path" (der Sonderweg). That is why they are grounded in romanticism & the rebuttal of liberal & democratic values, ensuing from the fatuity of German bourgeoisie. These ideas were proselytized with the intention of securing for the young nation its exclusive space, Central Europe, & ensuring its place in world history. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se problematizira izborni uspjeh regionalističkih stranaka u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji. Članak ističe specifičnost regionalističkih stranaka i potrebu njihove zasebne klasifikacije u odnosu na etnoregionalističke i etničke stranke. Ova komparativna analiza prati nastanak i izborni uspjeh regionalističkih stranaka u hrvatskom i srpskom stranačkom sustavu tijekom četvrt stoljeća. Pri analizi razlika u uspjehu hrvatskih i srbijanskih regionalističkih stranaka, stavlja se naglasak na kontekstualni okvir (narav stranačkog natjecanja, izborni model), kao i na društvene čimbenike (etnički i vjerski sastav) te povijesne faktore (naslijeđe centralizacije, odnosno autonomije). Članak tvrdi kako je kombinacija kontekstualnih, društvenih i povijesnih čimbenika stvorila bolje preduvjete za razvoj regionalizma u hrvatskom slučaju te omogućila snažniji izborni uspjeh negoli u Srbiji. ; This article discusses the electoral success of regional parties in Croatia and Serbia. The article emphasizes the specificity of regional parties and the need for a separate classification in relation to ethno-regional and ethnic parties. This comparative analysis follows the emergence and electoral success of regional parties in the Croatian and Serbian party system over a quarter century. By analyzing the difference in the success of Croatian and Serbian regional parties, the emphasis is put on contextual framework (the nature of party competition, electoral model), as well as social factors (ethnic and religious composition) and historical factors (the legacy of centralization or autonomy). Article argues that the combination of contextual, social and historical factors created better conditions for the development of regionalism in the Croatian case and allowed electoral success stronger than in Serbia.