Suchergebnisse

Liberal intergovernmentalism approach proposed by Andrew Moravcsik is an important contribution to regional integration studies in Western Europe. Can it also help explaining integration among developing countries? The objective of this paper is to examine the extent to which liberal intergovernmentalism can be used to explain the process of integration in the Caribbean Basin, in particular, the Assoc of Caribbean States (ACS). Firstly, this paper evaluated Moravcsik's approach to regional integration & its contribution to integration theory. Secondly, the development of the ACS is analyzed by using a variable of the Moravcsik approach: the process of formation of national preferences. Based on the study of the formation of national preferences in Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, & Mexico, the paper shows the extent to which Moravcsik ideas could account for regionalism in the Caribbean Basin. Adapted from the source document.

UK action with respect to the Constitutional Treaty is instructive & paradoxical. Regarding the former, the way in which its preferences were formulated challenge the contentions of liberal intergovernmentalism, the main theoretical approach in the field. With respect to the latter, New Labour adopted a positive & constructive approach that distinguished its conduct from that of previous governments, but its failure to engage domestic public opinion undermined its achievement of a 'British Constitution' and, though saved from holding the referendum that it had promised, the government succeeded only in alienating its European partners abroad & allowing Europsceptics to win the debate by default at home. Adapted from the source document.

My secret hope, before starting reading this book, was to discover some new avenues for reflection that would help to renew the theoretical debate on the European Union (EU). Unfortunately, however, Moravcsik's familiar reader will find only a summary in which the author develops the thesis he has developed over the past decade under the banner of 'liberal intergovernmentalism' (.). ; Mon secret espoir, avant d'entamer la lecture de ce livre, était d'y découvrir quelques nouvelles pistes de réflexion contribuant à renouveler le débat théorique sur l'Union européenne (UE). Mais hélas, le lecteur déjà familier de Moravcsik n'y trouvera qu'une synthèse dans laquelle l'auteur développe les thèses qu'il a élaborées depuis une dizaine d'années sous la bannière de l' "intergouvernementalisme libéral " (.).

Créé par une convention en 1995, Europol a connu en une vingtaine d'années des mutations organisationnelles et opérationnelles majeures, sans pour autant pouvoir être pensé comme une police européenne supranationale. Dès lors, la gouvernance sui generis de cette agence européenne, accordant une place centrale aux gouvernements nationaux, et la limitation de ses pouvoirs semblent a priori se conformer à l'idée d'un paradoxe de l'intégration, mis en lumière par les travaux du new intergovernmentalism . En étudiant les évolutions d'Europol par le biais des approches de sociologie de l'action publique, cet article propose de nuancer, voire de remettre en cause certains des postulats néo-intergouvernementalistes. Pour ce faire, cet article souligne la pluralité des acteurs, de leurs représentations et de leurs interactions dans le processus décisionnel européen, sous-estimée par ces travaux visant à théoriser l'intégration européenne.

Réalisée en 4 ans, rédigée en 2007-2008. ; This dissertation deals with the construction, practices and legitimating uses of the European Security and Defence Policy since the 1990's. First we study the genesis of the European defence policy taking into account short-term factors opening a policy window (the end of the Cold War, the Balkan conflicts, NATO's reform) as well as structural factors, in this case the socializing framework of the French-German military cooperation. We demonstrate the political entrepreneurship of Mitterrand and Kohl seizing this policy window. They were later taken over by the diplomatic services of the EU states. Secondly we analyze the construction of the European defence policy as a specific social figuration within the EU framework. This new social figuration, relying on proper organs and on intergovernmentalism, interplays with the national defence figurations structured in time, modifying the interdependence games between the capitals and Brussels, and between the main actors groups (in this case officers, diplomats and defence civil servants). Moreover this ESDP figuration is deeply affected and modelled by the weight of the socialization of theses actors on a threefold level: national, professional and institutional. These several socialization weigh on the way theses actors daily practice and conceive the European defence policy .Indeed this new social space is invested on different ways by each categories of actors (military and diplomatic/civilian). Last but not least, the national security cultures are still very pregnant and go on framing ESDP in different ways according to the security representations of each state. This raises legitimating questions for this policy. Eventually European Security and Defence Policy does not aim at building a Euro-army, but fulfils latent functions as a political and symbolic substitute for European security action in the world. These latent functions appear to be at least as important as, if not more than, its manifest functions of ...

Réalisée en 4 ans, rédigée en 2007-2008. ; This dissertation deals with the construction, practices and legitimating uses of the European Security and Defence Policy since the 1990's. First we study the genesis of the European defence policy taking into account short-term factors opening a policy window (the end of the Cold War, the Balkan conflicts, NATO's reform) as well as structural factors, in this case the socializing framework of the French-German military cooperation. We demonstrate the political entrepreneurship of Mitterrand and Kohl seizing this policy window. They were later taken over by the diplomatic services of the EU states. Secondly we analyze the construction of the European defence policy as a specific social figuration within the EU framework. This new social figuration, relying on proper organs and on intergovernmentalism, interplays with the national defence figurations structured in time, modifying the interdependence games between the capitals and Brussels, and between the main actors groups (in this case officers, diplomats and defence civil servants). Moreover this ESDP figuration is deeply affected and modelled by the weight of the socialization of theses actors on a threefold level: national, professional and institutional. These several socialization weigh on the way theses actors daily practice and conceive the European defence policy .Indeed this new social space is invested on different ways by each categories of actors (military and diplomatic/civilian). Last but not least, the national security cultures are still very pregnant and go on framing ESDP in different ways according to the security representations of each state. This raises legitimating questions for this policy. Eventually European Security and Defence Policy does not aim at building a Euro-army, but fulfils latent functions as a political and symbolic substitute for European security action in the world. These latent functions appear to be at least as important as, if not more than, its manifest functions of ...

Réalisée en 4 ans, rédigée en 2007-2008. ; This dissertation deals with the construction, practices and legitimating uses of the European Security and Defence Policy since the 1990's. First we study the genesis of the European defence policy taking into account short-term factors opening a policy window (the end of the Cold War, the Balkan conflicts, NATO's reform) as well as structural factors, in this case the socializing framework of the French-German military cooperation. We demonstrate the political entrepreneurship of Mitterrand and Kohl seizing this policy window. They were later taken over by the diplomatic services of the EU states. Secondly we analyze the construction of the European defence policy as a specific social figuration within the EU framework. This new social figuration, relying on proper organs and on intergovernmentalism, interplays with the national defence figurations structured in time, modifying the interdependence games between the capitals and Brussels, and between the main actors groups (in this case officers, diplomats and defence civil servants). Moreover this ESDP figuration is deeply affected and modelled by the weight of the socialization of theses actors on a threefold level: national, professional and institutional. These several socialization weigh on the way theses actors daily practice and conceive the European defence policy .Indeed this new social space is invested on different ways by each categories of actors (military and diplomatic/civilian). Last but not least, the national security cultures are still very pregnant and go on framing ESDP in different ways according to the security representations of each state. This raises legitimating questions for this policy. Eventually European Security and Defence Policy does not aim at building a Euro-army, but fulfils latent functions as a political and symbolic substitute for European security action in the world. These latent functions appear to be at least as important as, if not more than, its manifest functions of ...