Suchergebnisse

What is the form of government of the EU? And, how is the institutional governance of the Eurozone evolving? These questions have become pressing during the last years. On the one hand, the Euro-crisis and the legal and institutional responses to it have had major implications on the constitutional architecture of the EU and the Eurozone. On the other hand, the May 2014 elections for the European Parliament and the ensuing struggle to form the European Commission have brought to the fore new tensions in the EU political system. The purpose of this book - which brings together the contributions of EU lawyers, comparative constitutional lawyers, and political scientists, from all over Europe and the United States - is to offer a new look at the form of government of the EU and the Eurozone and to consider its potential for future development. While offering a plurality of perspectives on the form of government of the EU and the Eurozone, the book emphasizes how the Euro-crisis represents a watermark in the process of European integration. It makes the case for a more legitimate and effective form of government for the EU and the Eurozone. Additionally, it identifies possible windows of opportunity for future treaty reforms. The book will provide food for thought to scholars, policy makers, and the public at large, as they continue debating about the most apt form of government for the EU and the Eurozone.

Abstract
The aim of this article is to propose the term 'illiberal neo-intergovernmentalism' (IN) to describe and explain Poland's EU concept promoted by the government and some scholars after 2015. The methodology, based on decision, factor and comparative analyses, is of qualitative nature. The main idea is the assumption that Polish vision can be treated as a concept contributing to theory building. The research question relates to the positioning of the Polish concept against the background of other approaches: due to its significant distance from the functionalist trend, a connection with the intergovernmentalist theories is assumed. Two hypotheses are presented, and their verification shows that the main weakness of the Polish concept is the lack of paradigmatic rooting. The 'Eurorealist' illiberal neo-intergovernmentalism has not been created as a result of the evolutionary development of well-founded views typical of the intergovernmental trend and seems to disregard all previous theoretical achievements. Referring to realism alone, without defining the continuity of thought, is not enough to recognise the concept as a realist one. Therefore, this vision does not have explanatory values, while its normative character is the result of the adoption of Eurosceptic and ultraconservative ideology.

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AbstractThe Euro, Schengen and Brexit crises pose important explanatory challenges to liberal intergovernmentalism (LI). In contrast with the historical context in which LI originated, they have threatened existing integration regimes with disintegration in a highly politicized domestic environment. How relevant does LI remain under these circumstances in comparison with its neofunctionalist and postfunctionalist competitors? A comparative analysis of the three crises shows that LI offers only a partial explanation of national preference formation in the crises. As a static theory, it fails to take into account endogenous preferences that may result from path‐dependence (in the euro crisis) or politicization (in the Brexit crisis). By contrast, LI provides a convincing and indispensable analysis of intergovernmental bargaining.