Suchergebnisse

Mirne pobune protiv sirijskog predsjednika koje su započele 2011. s vremenom su prerasle u oružani sukob, a zatim i u građanski rat koji do dana današnjeg ne jenjava. Vrlo brzo je privukao i brojne regionalne, ali i međunarodne aktere. Iako se na početku činilo kako će sirijski predsjednik vrlo brzo morati napustiti svoju funkciju, to se nije dogodilo. Zahvaljujući ruskoj vojnoj intervenciji 2015. vratio je kontrolu nad većinom sirijskog teritorija te na taj način osigurao svoju daljnju vlast. Cilj ovoga rada jest prikazati rusku intervenciju u Sirijskom građanskom ratu kao dio nove ruske vanjske politike, odnosno novoga ruskog intervencionizma. Politika koja je započeta intervencijom u Gruziji, a zatim nastavljena u Ukrajini činom aneksije Krima, svoj nastavak dobiva upravo na teritoriju Sirije. Kako ćemo vidjeti kroz rad upravo se ova politika pokazala ključnom za vraćanje Rusiji statusa globalne sile. ; Peaceful uprisings against the Syrian president that began in 2011., over the time escalated into an armed conflict, and then into a civil war that has not abated to this day. It quickly attracted numerous regional and international actors. Although at first it seemed that the Syrian president would have to leave his funcion very soon, this did not happen. Thanks to Russian military intervention in 2015, he regained majority control over Syrian territory and thus secured his further rule. The aim of this paper was to present Russian intervention in the Syrian civil war as a part of a new Russian foreign policy, the policy of interventionism. The policy, which began with the intervention in Georgia, and then continued in Ukraine and the act of annexation of Crimea, gets its continuation on the territory of Syria. As we will see further, it is precisely this policy that has proved crucial for restoring Russia's global power status.

This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands. ; This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands.

Analiza polazi od Rawlsova stajališta da autonomne osobe u liberalnom društvu trebaju posjedovati dvije moralne moći – kapacitet koji se odnosi na smisao za pravdu te za formiranje, slijeđenje i reviziju koncepcije dobra. Politički ili neutralni liberalizam podržava opravdanost državne intervencije za poboljšanje prvog kapaciteta, ujedno proglašavajući utjecaj na drugi kapacitet nelegitimnim. Kritika ove pozicije izložena je kroz analizu stajališta Jonathana Quonga i Marthe Nussbaum, ukazujući na to da ona vode do dozvoljavanja iracionalnih i autoritarnih pozicija u obrazovanju, odnosno do zapostavljanja razvoja vrijednih kapaciteta. Premda institucionalni utjecaj može biti pristran i paternalistički, u pojedinim se slučajevima može ukazati na legitimnost institucionalne intervencije u osiguravanju uvjeta koji poboljšavaju sposobnost osoba da procjenjuju, preispituju i revidiraju vlastite koncepcije dobra. ; Analysis starts from Rawls's disposition that in a liberal society autonomous persons should have two moral powers – the capacity for a sense of justice and the capacity to establish, pursue and revise the concept of the good. Political or neutral liberalism advocates the justification of state intervention to improve the first type of capacity while declaring the interference with the second capacity illegitimate. The critique of this disposition is done by analysing the perspectives of Jonathan Quong and Martha Nussbaum, showing that they lead to allowing irrational and authoritarian perspectives in education, that is, neglecting the development of valuable capacities. Although institutional influence can be biased and paternalistic, in some cases it may be legitimate for the institution to create conditions that enhance people's ability to evaluate, reevaluate, and revise their conceptions of the good.

Autori u radu ističu važnost socijalnih intervencija kao mjera socijalne politike u svladavanju izazova suverenoga društva. Naglasak je dan na mjere poput dječjeg doplatka, naknada za roditeljski dopust, subvencioniranje stambenih kredita mladih obitelji te druge mjere pronatalitetne i obiteljske politike ne samo na državnoj, već i na lokalnoj razini. ; Dieser Beitrag bespricht die Wichtigkeit von sozialen Interventionen als Maßnahmen der Sozialpolitik bei der Bewältigung der Herausforderungen moderner Gesellschaft. Die Maßnahmen wie Kindergeld, Mutterschaftsgeld, Subventionierung von Wohnungskrediten junger Familien und andere Maßnahmen der Geburten- und Familienpolitik nicht nur auf nationaler sondern auch auf lokaler Ebene werden hervorgehoben. ; In this paper the authors give special attention to the measures of social interventions as measures of social policy in line to fight the present challenges of the contemporary society. Special attention is given to the measures of child allowances, parental benefits, state subsidies for residential loans for young families and other measures of pro-natal and family policy not just at the state level but also at local municipality level. ; Nel lavoro gli autori sottolineano l'importanza degli interventi sociali quali misure di politica sociale volte a superare le sfide poste dinnanzi alla società contemporanea. L'accento viene posto su misure quali gli aiuti ai minori, l'indennità per il congedo parentale, le sovvenzioni rivolte alle giovani famiglie per i mutui su immobili, altre misure volte alla natalità, come pure sulle politiche familiari statali e locali.

Following the example of the discussion about the possible intervention undertaken by the Western European Union (WEU) with the aim of stopping the war in Croatia, this work strives to show the extent to which the war in Croatia influenced the development of the European relations and institutions, and vice versa. The discussion was held on two occasions, end July -- early August and second half of September 1991. The advocates of such an initiative were led by the idea of WEU military intervention which could stop the war, strengthen the European idea, and lay the foundations for a successful foreign and defensive politics of the future European Union during the phase of institution-building. Besides that, the intervention would undoubtedly have saved many lives in Croatia, and subsequently in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Reluctance and various interpretations among large European countries -- not only of the war in Croatia, but also of the European future -- resulted in passivity which played a huge role in determining the future form of European institutions during the key period before Maastricht. Adapted from the source document.

The original NATO strategy regarding Yugoslavia has, despite its military triumphs, proved deficient for achieving the planned political objectives. That is why the existing alliance strategy has been abandoned & replaced by a new one. This change of direction is under way; the success of NATO's entire military action hinges on its success, as do the relations on the Balkans & the future of NATO's new strategic concept designed in late Apr at the Washington summit. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the genesis & the scenarios of the Kosovo crisis resolution, as well as the possible political reverberations of the NATO military intervention. The premise is that the Kosovo crisis is only a continuation of the break-up of the former Yugoslavia; Kosovo has for centuries been a separate entity largely populated by Albanians; the policy of Serbian nationalism has permanently discriminated against the Albanian population; & prior to the recent air strikes against Yugoslavia, Serbia had systematically led an ethnic-cleansing campaign on Kosovo. Although the author recognizes that support for the NATO military action can hardly be found in the tenets of the UN Charter, he argues that it can nevertheless be justified by international law. He points out that NATO's military campaign enjoyed the broad support of the people of NATO member countries, but that it has made a rift in the European Left. The new Left was in the forefront of the action, while the old, dogmatic, & sectarian Left found itself in the ranks of its most vocal opponents. The author claims that Milosevic, with his overall politics, & particularly his policy on Kosovo, had propelled the West into an action from which it could not extricate itself. He concludes that the consequences of Belgrade's defeat will be (1) the collapse of Milosevic's regime (the beginning of his end); (2) the final incapacitation of Milosevic's politics to create new conflicts; (3) the protectorate over Kosovo & its autonomy, with a factual independence from Serbia; (4) the independence of Montenegro; (5) Reinforcing the Dayton policy in Bosnia & Herzegovina (eliminating centrifugal tendencies); (6) the organized participation of the West in the transitional processes in this region (the pact on the stability of southeast Europe); & (7) bolstering the democratic & weakening the undemocratic tendencies in the region. Adapted from the source document.

Temeljem podataka prikupljenih arhivskim i terenskim istraživanjima te njihovim prevođenjem iz analognog u digitalni format, oblikovana je serija novih kartografskih prikaza graditeljskih transformacija unutar povijesnog splitskog predgrađa Veli Varoš u razdoblju nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata do danas. Analizom tih prikaza, u radu se provjerava hipoteza da je graditeljska struktura Varoša proizvod kontinuiranog dijalektičkog odnosa urbanističkih i konzervatorskih politika, širih društvenih i ekonomskih procesa te lokalnih graditeljskih praksi. Cilj analize je utvrđivanje utjecaja i međusobnih korelacija triju spomenutih fenomena na funkcije, prostorni integritet i povijesno-ambijentalne vrijednosti Veloga Varoša do 1990. godine, te od 1990. godine do danas kada su graditeljske te šire prostorne i društvene transformacije neposredan rezultat utjecaja suvremene turističke industrije. ; Based on the information gathered from archival and field research, and their translation from analogue to digital, a series of new maps showing urban transformations in the historical district of Veli Varoš in Split since World War II have been created. This paper presents these maps and tests the hypothesis about the architectural structure of Varoš as a product of continuous dialectic relationship between urban and conservation policies, broader social and economic processes, and local construction practices. The aim of the analysis has been to establish the influences and correlations between these three phenomena concerning the functions, spatial integrity, and the historicalambiental values of Veli Varoš before 1990 and then from 1990 until the present day, when broader spatial and social transformations are a direct consequence of modern tourist industry.

The Serbo-Albanian conflict in Kosovo has had direct repercussions for Balkan security over the last 150 years. The international community would occasionally pay more attention to this conflict, but never long enough to resolve it for good. Both the Serbian & the Albanian side put in a lot of effort toward the resolution of the conflict & came up with several proposals, ranging from various modes of Kosovo autonomy to the idea of the cantonization & refederalization of SR Yugoslavia, to the independence of Kosovo, or to its being turned into a protectorate. All these suggestions had mostly been one-sided, either pro-Serbian or pro-Albanian, none of them conducive to a compromise. All this eventually resulted in a military conflict & the attempt to impose solutions by force. Nevertheless, after the NATO intervention, negotiations will have to be resumed, & the familiar proposals for the resolution of the Kosovo question will have to be rehashed, only this time the situation will require much more good will & willingness to make compromises, on both the Albanian & Serbian sides, as well as considerable support by international community. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

Zdravko Petak's Javna dobra i politicko odlucivanje ([The Public Good and Political Decision Making] Zagreb: Biblioteka Politicka misao, 2001) is discussed. Petak's criticism of the Keynesian thesis that state intervention into free market economy is both necessary & effective to ensure the public well-being of the citizens is examined. Petak applies the theory of public choice to debunk this view & argues that the state is (1) unable to act on economically efficacious precepts & (2) not a higher-rank, external, & objective actor capable of regulating economic processes outside the basic human instincts & behaviors that underlie the functioning of private markets. The origin & evolution of the public choice theory are outlined, & the universal postulates of egoism (self-interest), rationality, & maximization governing human behavior are described. It is concluded that Petak's rebuttal of the arguments advanced by proponents of state intervention into the national economy is convincing, however, he fails to formulate a viable alternative. Also, he does not address several related issues seen to provide subject matter for a future book. Z. Dubiel

Slovenia & Croatia differ greatly concerning the political position of their trade unions & their clout in political decision-making. The Slovenian way & pattern is inclusive & the Croatian conflictual. The difference -- despite the common historical legacy of Yugoslav self-management -- can be explained by the political interventions of the governments & the elites that played the dominant role in the early, formative, years of the transition. The pattern entrenched in that period persists, even when some radical reform is attempted & a new path chosen. Such a reversal was attempted after 2000 both in Slovenia & Croatia, but both attempts failed. References. Adapted from the source document.