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The author analyzes EU actor capacity in security policy with special emphasis on crisis management. She places this within the larger context of security policy & the transatlantic debate over the role of NATO, the case of Iraq, & different national interests of key member states. The author concludes that the EU has steadily developed its capacity to undertake the various types of crisis management, but that the role of the EU as a security actor will be determined by the larger systemic decision making in this area. The crisis over Iraq may very well lead to a consolidation of the EU's role. 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

Between the Second World War and the fall of the Berlin Wall Germany showed great aversion towards using military force for other purposes than territorial defense and held a multilateral balance between France and the United States with their respective ambitions EU and NATO. After the Wall fell, the German security policy started to change and German politicians increasingly argued for military use as a legitimate instrument in international politics. Among the driving forces for this process has been the change in European strategic culture as Europe is looking towards an integrated foreign and security policy, which may even go against German interest. L. Pitkaniemi

International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), which consists of military forces from more than 40 NATO and non-NATO countries, is now officially history. In combination with the Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF), the international intervention in Afghanistan has been one of the most lengthy operations in modern times. Such overwhelming effort requires reflection and evaluation. What have we learned from being part of this intervention? In this focus article I will go into one of the most important and demanding elements of this intervention - the civil-military space. The civil-military interaction played a significant role and received much attention, theoretical and practical. The question was about how various actors can contribute to a successful, holistic effort. I should say something about the term 'civil-military coordination' which focuses on the relationship between different actors, and then look into the Norwegian approach to civil-military relations. I would argue that the Norwegian approach was based on important principles, but could appear as immature and inflexible. I justify my claim by lifting some challenges and contradictions that have emerged, either because of - or despite - the introduction of the model. The newly appointed Afghan committee will give us considerable insight and several lessons and will be useful in future policies and practices. Already, however, two things for sure; firstly, that we will be asked to contribute in future military operations without being able to predict what these will contain (we have other words prepare us for many different contingencies). Secondly, under virtually all military operations be civilians present, with greater or lesser degree of contact between them. This civil-military dynamics often understood within the concept of civil-military cooperation (Rietje & Bollen 2008; Hoogensen Gjorv 2014 Hoogensen Gjorv & Gjorv 2014). Adapted from the source document.

Local police departments receive a vast number of calls annually from the healthcare sector, the education sector, the Norwegian Labour and Welfare Administration, other social service agencies, families, friends, neighbors and others, expressing concern that individuals or groups might be, or are at risk of becoming, violent extremists. The majority are unwarranted.

Yet Norway has, in recent years, experienced that extremists can inflict a great deal of damage, pain, fear and death – not just on individual victims, but on society as a whole. How can the relevant authorities intervene in time to prevent such events from occurring without compromising important democratic values? This book takes a look at how local police perceive and carry out their role in the tremendously complex and demanding field we call 'concern work' (bekymringsarbeidet).

The police face complicated dilemmas on a daily basis: What is the relationship between extreme behavior and expression, and extremist violence? Where are the boundaries between conservative and extreme forms of religion? Is there an appropriate moment for the police to confront persons who have not (yet?) broken any laws?

Concern Work. Police Prevention of Radicalization and Violent Extremism will appeal to researchers and practitioners working with prevention initiatives, and anyone interested in radicalizaion and violent extremism, as well as democracy, freedom of speech and the rule of law. - Hvert år mottar lokale politidistrikter et stort antall meldinger, fra helsevesenet, skoleverket, Nav, diverse lavterskeltilbud, pårørende, naboer eller andre, der det uttrykkes bekymring for at individer eller miljøer kan være i risiko for å være, eller bli, voldelige ekstremister. De fleste av disse utgjør ingen slik fare.

Samtidig har Norge de siste årene flere ganger erfart at ekstremister kan forårsake stor skade, smerte, frykt og død – ikke bare for noen få, men for hele samfunnet. Hvordan skal myndighetene gripe inn i tide for å forhindre at slikt skjer, uten å sette viktige demokratiske verdier i fare? Denne boken utforsker hvordan lokalt politi forstår og utfører sin del av det uhyre komplekse og krevende feltet vi kaller bekymringsarbeidet.

Politiet står i kompliserte dilemmaer i sitt daglige virke: Hva er forholdet mellom ekstreme holdninger og ytringer og ekstremistisk vold? Hvor går grensene mellom konservative og ekstreme former for religion? Når blir det riktig for politiet å intervenere overfor folk som (ennå?) ikke har begått lovbrudd?

Bekymringsarbeidet. Politiets forebygging av radikalisering og voldelig ekstremisme henvender seg til forskere og praktikere i forebyggingsfeltet, og til alle som er opptatt av radikalisering og voldelig ekstremisme, så vel som rettssikkerhet, demokrati og ytringsfrihet.