Suchergebnisse

Le temps des poules…le temps des canards ?Une analyse rétrospective : loin de n'être qu'une donnée biologique, ou une catégorie démographique, la notion d'aîné renvoie en Afrique à des structures sociales de type inégalitaire et connote des privilèges, des dotations, des responsabilités et des obligations différenciés.Dans les sociétés lignagères africaines, les aînés constituaient une minorité démographique mais occupaient une position hégémonique sur un triple plan : économique, socio-culturel et politique. La monétarisation des économies, les changements démographiques, l'urbanisation et d'autres facteurs liés à la colonisation ont introduit des germes de changement dans l'ordre qui régnait dans ces sociétés et remettent en question, en bien des endroits et sous plusieurs rapports, cette hégémonie.Nul ne connait la couleur de la prochaine aurore.Une analyse prospective essaiera de répondre à la question de savoir ce qu'il peut advenir du vivre ensemble, des relations intra et intergénérationnelles, et donc de la place des aînés en Afrique dans les années à venir. Pour l'heure, deux scenarios contrastés sont à la fois plausibles et possibles pour l'Afrique.L'un, qu'on pourrait dire tendanciel parce que basé sur les tendances récentes, consisterait en une dépréciation/relégation/marginalisation des aînés qui viendrait consacrer le basculement de l'Afrique vers un resserrement de l'éventail des solidarités. Un autre scénario consisterait pour les sociétés africaines à essayer de tisser une nouvelle corde à partir de l'ancienne.Il s'agirait d'opérer un tri dans les systèmes de valeurs et référents axiologiques hérités des aînés en vue de n'en retenir que les éléments porteurs de progrès, de démocratie, de respect des droits humains. Le rôle des politiques publiques sera brièvement examiné dans ce cadre. ; The time of the hens…the time of the ducksA retrospective analysis: far from being only a biological fact, or a demographic category, the notion of "elderly" refers in Africa to unequal social structures and connotes privileges, endowments, responsibilities and differentiated obligations.In African lineage societies, the elders constituted a demographic minority but occupied a hegemonic position at a triple level : economic, socio-cultural and political. The monetarization of economies, demographic changes, urbanization and other factors related to colonization have introduced seeds of change in the order that prevailed in these societies and are challenging this hegemony in many places and in many ways.No one knows the color of the next dawn.A prospective analysis will try to answer the question of what can happen to living together, intra- and intergenerational relations, and therefore the place of the elderly in Africa in the years to come. For now, two contrasting scenarios are both plausible and possible for Africa.One, which could be said to be trend-oriented because it is based on recent trends, would consist of a depreciation/relegation/marginalization of the elderly, which would enshrine Africa's shift towards a narrowing of the range of solidarities.Another scenario would be for African societies to try to weave a new rope from the old one.It would be a question of sorting through the axiological value systems and referents inherited from the elderly in order to retain only the elements that bring progress, democracy and respect for human rights. The role of public policy will be briefly examined in this context.

The Middle East has been increasingly factoring into the relations between Turkey and the USA since the end of the cold war. Ironically, the issues related to this region simultaneously intensify and erode the bilateral relations. For the USA, the significance of Turkey has always related to some extent to the Middle East. For Turkey, on the other hand, during the cold war years this connection was not always welcomed. In the aftermath of the cold war, the Middle East became one of the most significant elements of the alliance, a development that was accepted by both sides. The changes in the international arena, such as the end of bipolarity and post-9/11 developments as well as regional changes, particularly the Iraqi crises, Iranian nuclear issue, the Arab uprisings and changes in the regional balance of power, had an impact on the evolution of AmericanTurkish relations and created both convergence and divergence of interests. Finally, domestic politics, especially the ideology and policies of state actors, had a bearing on bilateral relations in the context of the Middle East. As Turkey became more active and developed particular interests in the Middle East, the crises in TurkeyUSA relations began to occur more frequently and led to bargaining processes between the two allies.

Construction is important by virtue of its prevalence in Canada; it is one of the most common types of employment held by men, employing approximately 1.4 million people. Its ubiquity, in addition to its connection to growth in other sectors, has meant that the construction sector is closely followed by governments, who often view construction employment as both an indicator of growth and a source of economic stimulus.3 Despite this, however, labour scholars have paid less attention to construction than to other sectors of employment. Though there is a sizable literature on health and safety and on gender in the construction trades, research about contemporary labour relations is notably sparse. Undeniably, conducting research on construction workers and unions is challenging. The mobile and fragmented character of the construction industry makes recruiting interview participants difficult, and labour unions are often secretive and reluctant to share information with researchers. Unions in the sector also have a mixed history, on the one hand giving voice to workers' concerns and providing for worker protection, while on the other hand supporting right-leaning governments, promoting business unionism and creating divisions between unionized and non-unionized workers and skilled and unskilled workers. Understanding the complexity of the industry, both its organized and its unorganized elements, is thus a demanding research endeavour.

This report offers a critical examination of Iran's influence in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Two points are made: that Iran's top priority is its own regime's survival and its regional policies are directed by its national security concerns. Secondly, that Iran's engagements in Afghanistan are clearly guided by the presence of the US. Iran's predominant interest is in stabilizing Afghanistan, but as long as Afghanistan is neither safe nor stable, Iran will play a double game and engage with its regional neighbours according to the US-Iran equation. Deterrence, counter-containment and competition are the keywords in these complex relations. The report outlines Iran's reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan, its political platform and soft power, and the bonds of mutual dependency in terms of water rights, refugees and drug trafficking. It examines Iran's alleged military interventions and the reasons for playing this double game. Lastly, the report discusses Iran's tense relationship with Pakistan with regard to both Afghanistan and the troubled region of Baluchistan.

This report offers a critical examination of Iran's influence in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Two points are made: that Iran's top priority is its own regime's survival and its regional policies are directed by its national security concerns. Secondly, that Iran's engagements in Afghanistan are clearly guided by the presence of the US. Iran's predominant interest is in stabilizing Afghanistan, but as long as Afghanistan is neither safe nor stable, Iran will play a double game and engage with its regional neighbours according to the US-Iran equation. Deterrence, counter-containment and competition are the keywords in these complex relations. The report outlines Iran's reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan, its political platform and "soft power", and the bonds of mutual dependency in terms of water rights, refugees and drug trafficking. It examines Iran's alleged military interventions and the reasons for playing this double game. Lastly, the report discusses Iran's tense relationship with Pakistan with regard to both Afghanistan and the troubled region of Baluchistan. ; Janne Bjerre Christensen

Abstract : While there were various studies about Sampang Shiites which explore violence, exclusion, and conflict, the study analyzing intra-religious dialogue initiative and assessing the impact of it in enhancing Sunni-Shiite resolution in post-sectarian violence in Sampang, East Java, remains understudied. For this, I use Reina Neufeldt's framework (2011) on "the theory of change" in interfaith dialogue and employs qualitative inquiry by conducting observation, interview, and documentation. This study argues that the inability of returning Sampang Shiite to their home is in line with insufficiencies of intra-religious dialog initiatives in dealing with Sunni-Shiite antagonism theologically, facilitating reconciliation politically, and intensifying civic engagement culturally to restore social and intersect relation. However, there is a hope of peace from intersecting grassroots reconciliation between the former perpetrators and victims by "the People Peace Charter" that significantly decreased Sunni-Shiite antagonism and segregation.الملخص: على الرغم من وجود العديد من الدراسات حول سامبانج الشيعية التي تستكشف العنف والاستبعاد والنزاع ، فإن الدراسات التي تحلل مبادرات الحوار بين الأعراق وتقييم تأثيرها على تحسين حل السني و الشيعي بعد العنف الطائفي في سامبانغ ، جاوة شرق ، لم تدرس. لهذا، استخدم أطر رينا نيوفلد (2011) عن "نظرية التغيير" في الحوار بين الأديان وباستخدام نهج نوعي للمراقبة، والمقابلات، والوثائق. وترى هذه الدراسة أن العقبات سامبانغ الشيعة يعود إلى قريتهم وفقا لمبادرة الحوار قيود بين الاديان في تعامل العداء بين السني والشيعي لاهوتيا، وتسهيل المصالحة السياسية وبناء السلام وتكثيف لاستعادة الربط بين طائفة الاجتماعي. ومع ذلك، هناك توقعات المصالحة الشعبية بين الجناة والضحايا السابقين ب "ميثاق السلام للشعوب" التي تعيد التفرقة والعداء بين السنة والشيعة.Abstrak: Meskipun ada berbagai studi tentang Syiah Sampang yang mengeksplorasi kekerasan, eksklusi, dan konflik, studi yang menganalisis inisiatif dialog antarsekte dan menilai dampaknya dalam meningkatkan resolusi Sunni-Syiah pasca kekerasan sektarian di Sampang, Jawa Timur, masih belum dikaji. Untuk ini, saya menggunakan kerangka kerja Reina Neufeldt (2011) tentang "teori perubahan" dalam dialog antaragama dan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan observasi, wawancara, dan dokumentasi. Studi ini berargumen bahwa kendala mengembalikan Syiah Sampang ke kampung halaman mereka sejalan dengan keterbatasan inisiatif dialog intrareligious dalam menangani antagonisme Sunni-Syiah secara teologis, memfasilitasi rekonsiliasi secara politis, dan mengintensifkan bina-damai secara kultural untuk mengembalikan pertalian antar-sekte. Namun, ada harapan dari rekonsiliasi akar-rumput antara para mantan pelaku dan korban dengan "Piagam Perdamaian Rakyat" yang secara signifikan mengurangi segregasi dan antagonisme Sunni-Syiah.

There is an assumption in international relations literature that junior allies must choose between supporting a dominant global alliance partner and engaging with a rising power. Yet, Australian policy-makers have paradoxically managed to deepen Sino-Australian relations despite their bilateral alliance with the United States. They have developed a discrete China policy on the assumption that they could persuade Washington to accept it over time. They reasoned that this outcome was more likely if Australia used diplomacy to facilitate Sino-American cooperation and to develop an Australian China policy non-prejudicial to ANZUS. This article explores how this 'diplomatic formula' supported expansion of Sino-Australian relations under the Whitlam, Hawke, and Howard Governments. It explains Australia's intra-alliance influence and paradoxical foreign policy behavior and contributes to understanding the dynamics of asymmetric alliances during power transition.

There is an assumption in international relations literature that junior allies must choose between supporting a dominant global alliance partner and engaging with a rising power. Yet, Australian policy-makers have paradoxically managed to deepen Sino-Australian relations despite their bilateral alliance with the United States. They have developed a discrete China policy on the assumption that they could persuade Washington to accept it over time. They reasoned that this outcome was more likely if Australia used diplomacy to facilitate Sino-American cooperation and to develop an Australian China policy non-prejudicial to ANZUS. This article explores how this 'diplomatic formula' supported expansion of Sino-Australian relations under the Whitlam, Hawke, and Howard Governments. It explains Australia's intra-alliance influence and paradoxical foreign policy behavior and contributes to understanding the dynamics of asymmetric alliances during power transition.

The future of the Iranian political relations with other countries especially China in the post-nuclear-agreement era is of serious importance in the Iranian foreign policy in the Rouhani administration. Despite turbulences in the relations of the two countries in recent years, theirs have been stronger than the trade relations between Iran and western countries. For this reason, the shift from ordinary to strategic relations between Iran and China is attracting serious attention in the political circles in Iran. The supporters argue for the present and future stance of China in the international society and its constructive role during the western-imposed sanctions against Iran. The opponents refer to the poorer Chines technology as opposed to their Western rivals and to ambivalent and at time anti-Iranian stances Beijing adopted in the Iranian nuclear problem. The question this paper seeks to answer is whether there is a possibility of the promotion of the relations of the two countries in future and the possible obstacles in the way.

The aim of this article is to analyze the concept of small states in the discipline of International Relations to show differences and contradictions in the definition and to discuss the literature on foreign policy and alliance behavior of small states. The article emphasizes that there has not been a single approach to the definition of small states and there is diversity in the studies dealing with foreign policy and alliance behavior of these states. While the article enables us to question to what extent this diversity makes the category of small states meaningful, on the other hand, it tries to show that this situation reflects the developments and theoretical discussions in the discipline. Differences in defining small states and diversity of foreign policy and alliance behavior lead scholars, who benefit from contending theories of International Relations, to deal with the category of small states from different perspectives.

The nature of interdependence between states encourages them to establish cooperation in different fields, leading to multiple relations. The policy alignments of states on trade and political relations can be regarded as the most critical agenda in a globalized world. Accounting for the linkages between economic and political issues, this study focuses on the two relational ties, (i) free trade agreements (FTAs) as economic cooperation and (ii) political alliances (PAs) as political cooperation. In addition, it evaluates the coevolution of FTAs and PAs by employing a multiplex stochastic actor-oriented model with longitudinal data of 160 countries during the period from 1990 to 2012. The results show that the presence of a PA inspires the formation of an FTA, but present no clear evidence that the presence of an FTA promotes the formation of a PA. Our analysis also shows that a state prefers to form both FTAs and PAs with trade hub partners that have more FTAs but prefers to form only PAs with political hub partners that have more PAs. This study argues that such asymmetric effects between FTAs and PAs emphasizes the preferences of states for liberalizing trade and connecting with partners that have many FTAs.

The purpose of the study is to present and assess international trade relations of Poland's regions, with focus on the intensity of intra industry trade (IIT) with the EU countries. This kind of trade is treated as a measure of integration of Poland's region's economies with the EU market. The particular tasks addressed in the paper are: description of inspirations to deal with international trade at regional level; formulation of a concept of region as a small, open economy; assessment of intra industry trade links in static and marginal formula - at regional level for Poland's regions. The proposed approach is a novelty in both ways: (a) studies on international trade for Poland's regions are not so much developed; (b) intra-industry trade at regional level is a new topic that sheds light on real integration with the EU markets. The method used in the research is a standard formula of IIT as proposed by Grubell and Lloyd, weighted according to product's shares in trade volume. Also the marginal IIT formula is used, as proposed by M. Brülhart. Calculations were done for four-digit Combined Nomenclature groups of products. As expected, intensity of IIT for regions is lower than for the whole country. There are important differences observed for Poland's regions. As regions differ per se, also in terms of IIT one observes differences that reflect: proximity to the EU internal market, GDP per capita differences, role of foreign direct investments in region's economies, structure of industry and exports as well as overall competitiveness. Five groups of countries have been distinguished. IIT intensity is the highest for relations with "the old" EU member states. Also for the "new" member states is relatively high. It corresponds to the main message of IIT theory, that predicts stronger IIT among integrated economies. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.eis.0.8.6770

Abstract The Koches are one of the earliest settlers primarily from the ancient Kamrupa-Kamata Kingdom. They are basically adulteration of Kacharis, Lalungs, Mikirs and Garos and one of the major groups of Mongoloid stock and mostly inhabited in Lower Assam and North Bengal. In Puranas and Tantras, Koches are recordeded as "Kuvacha" whose original paradise was North Bengal and Goalpara. Biswa Singh laid to the foundation of Koch dynasty in the first half of the 16th century. His reign is marked as the beginning point of relation with the Muhammadans. During his reign the Muhammadans invaded his neighbouring Ahom Kingdom more than one time. Although the route opted by the Muhammandans to invade Kamrupa was far from his capital but, it inflicted his mind that his territory might be captured by the Muhammadans after that of the Ahoms. With the view to save his kingdom, he assisted the Ahoms against the Muhammadans in 1532 and drove away the Muhammadans as far as Karatoya River. After his death, with the perseverance of Naranarayan and Chilarai the Kingdom of the Koches took a static figure. The mutual relation between the Koches and the Mughals is said to be started in 1578, while Koch King sought Mughal help to attack Padshah of Gaur. Unfortunately, the partition of the Koch Kingdom into two parts led to weakening of strength of old Koch Kingdom. On account of mutual suspicions and rivalries, each of them sought foreign help to save their respective territories. Finally, both halves of Koch Kingdom fall prey of Mughal aggression.

The dynamics of cooperation between the European Union and Colombia in the realm of international cooperation can be characterized by a change from that of the "anarchy" caused by the uncertainty of the preferences of the cooperation policy-makers, to the one which leads to the establishment of a regulatory framework in the cooperation policy. This process reflects the conflict between the Colombian State and NGOs in theissue of what must be the focus of security as a central element of the peace process in Colombia.

This working paper provides and overview of the Patent Prosecution Highway (PPH), as the only patent cooperation mechanism established within the framework of the Pacific Alliance (PA). It further explores the current state of trade flows of patent intensive goods among PA member countries (Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru). Based on this background, it assesses the impact of the PPH as a vehicle to achieve increased levels of intra-regional trade, innovation and, entrepreneurship.